Comments by Gonzalo Boye on ECJ Junqueras Opinion (21 DEC 2019)

Comments by Gonzalo Boye on ECJ Junqueras Opinion. This is an English translation of his thread of tweets.
Click if need be to read the whole post

Prosecutor's press communiqué after arresting 9 Catalans on 23 September 2019

This is an English translation of the National Court prosecutor's press communiqué after arresting nine Catalans on 23 September 2019. There have been widespread protests and several have since been released.
Click here if need be to read the whole post

Comments by Alfred de Zayas on ECJ Junqueras Opinion (20 DEC 2019)

Comments by Alfred de Zayas, Former UN Independent Expert on the Promotion of a Democratic and Equitable International Order, following the December 19 2019 European Court of Justice Opinion on Oriol Junqueras MEP, requested by the Supreme Court as a pre-requisite before issuing its judgment... which it issued anyway, on October 14 2019.
Click if need be to read the whole post

Extracts from ECRML report on Spain (19 OCT 2019)

Here is a summary of the main Recommendations in the Fifth report of the Committee of Experts in respect of Spain, European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, 9 October 2019.
Click if need be to read the whole post

Catalan Parliament legal service's advice to Spain's Constitutional Court (16 DEC 2019)

Here is an English translation on the Catalan Parliament legal service's advice to Spain's Constitutional Court, which has tended to bombard it with injunctions.
Click here if need be to read the whole post

9th Communiqué from Tsunami Democràtic (10 DEC 2019)

Here is an English translation of the latest communiqué (distributed through the social media) from Tsunami Democràtic.

Click here if need be to read the whole post

Article by M. Strubell: "So what's the endgame now?" (20 DEC 2019)

"So what's the endgame now?" asks a friend from the US, well-versed in all things Catalan. Here's an answer (author: M. Strubell).
Click here if need be to open the rest of the post.

Luigi Ferrajoli: IL PROCESSO AGLI INDIPENDENTISTI CATALANI (28 NOV 2019)

The prestigious Italian lawyer Luigi Ferrajoli made the following statements* about the conviction of twelve Catalan political and social leaders by Spain's Supreme Court in October. An English translation follows.

Click here  if need be to read the whole post

Dwaik: Missatge de Solidaritat, Amor i Justícia amb el Poble Català" (NOV 2019)

Rebut per Telegram, 4 de desembre de 2019
Click here if need be to read the whole post [English translation soon]

236 personalities sign a manifesto on Spain and Catalonia (14 NOV 2019)

236 personalities sign a manifesto calling on Spain to negotiate with Catalonia.
If need be, click on "més informació" beneath to access this post.

8th Communiqué from Tsunami Democràtic (13 NOV 2019)

Comunicat de Tsunami Democràtic, 13 de novembre de 2019 [yet to be translated into English]
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7th Communiqué from Tsunami Democràtic (11 NOV 2019)

"EVERYONE TO LA JONQUERA" (France-Spain border) 7th Communiqué from Tsunami Democràtic, translated into English.
Click here if need be to read the whole post

6th Communiqué from Tsunami Democràtic (9 NOV 2019)

6th Communiqué from Tsunami Democràtic (9 Nov 2019) [yet to be translated)
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5th Communiqué from Tsunami Democràtic (8 NOV 2019)

COMMUNIQUÉ FROM DEMOCRATIC TSUNAMI, 8th November 2019

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AECI-2007

L'Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo va ser a les notícies fa un temps, crec que en relació amb aquest seminari fet el 2007

Click here  if need be to read the whole post

3a euroordre per a l'extradició d'Escòcia de Clara Ponsatí (6 NOV 2019)

Aquesta és una traducció al català de la declaració pública fet per l'advocat defensor de l'Hble. Sra. Clara Ponsatí, el Sr. Aamer Anwar, un cop anunciada la primera reacció de les autoritats britàniques a la petició espanyola d'extradició (EAW).
Clica aquí si cal per llegir l'entrada sencera.

Statement by the Council for the [Catalan] Republic after Suprem Court verdict (21 OCT 2019)

On October 21 2019, a week after the Supreme Court verdict, the Council for the Republic issued the following statement. It has been translated into English (by M.S.):
Click here  if need be to read the whole post

Manifesto by "Architects for Catalonia" on the right to self-determination (1 OCT 2019)

The "Architects for Catalonia" collective issued the following Declaration on October 1 2019. It has been translated into English (by M.S.):
Click here  if need be to read the whole post

4th Communiqué from Tsunami Democràtic (4 NOV 2019)

COMMUNIQUÉ BY TSUNAMI DEMOCRÀTIC (encara per traduir)

9-N 2019
Click here if need be to read the whole post

Tsunami Democratic convenes a day of disobedience to the Electoral Board on 9N and calls to fill the country's squares, from 4 pm to 10 pm, with a political, cultural and festive day. If the repression of the State does not stop for the day of reflection, nor will the people. Against repression and against Ñ's gag: words, citizens and culture in freedom.

Peacefully, respectfully, in an unmistakably nonviolent way.

The action aims to repeat initiatives to claim public space, such as those made by the outraged and the 15M movement in the reflection days of 2011 and 2015.

Now, the purpose of the convocation is to make the State reflect, to remind it that it cannot restrict or limit the right to freedom of expression, nor the right to free assembly and manifestation. And remind him that political conflicts need to be resolved politically: neither police, nor judicially, nor with constant threats to the population. There is a democratic solution to the conflict, which involves dialogue and negotiation: #SpainSitAndTalk.

Tsunami Democratic encourages entities, groups, associations, groups, groups of individuals to organize activities and confirm them by email 9N@desobeimlajec.org so that they can be integrated into the program and communicate jointly. In Barcelona, ​​the call is at Plaça Catalunya at 4pm, where there will be musical performances, speeches and various interventions. The initiative is being spread out in every city in the country.

Everyone is invited to attend this day's events, where we can already announce that the Tsunami Democratic application will be tested for the first time in preparation for the first major action to be taken through the app on November 11, November 12 and 13.

Last but not least, this action is called on the Reflection Day, November 9. On the 10th, Tsunami defends the exercise of the right to vote, like the other fundamental rights. The ballot boxes do not scare us, quite the opposite: they are what most of the Catalan population demands. More ballot boxes. More democracy.

In the meantime: Let's get organized. Let's protect ourselves, let's take care of ourselves.

...ooo000ooo...

Original:

Tsunami Democràtic convoca el 9N a una jornada de desobediència a la Junta Electoral i crida a omplir de 16h a 22h les places del país amb una jornada política, cultural i festiva. Si la repressió de I'Estat no s'atura per la jornada de reflexió, tampoc no s'aturarà la gent. En contra de la repressió i en contra de Ñ mordassa: paraules, ciutadans i cultura en llibertat.

Pacíficament, respectuosament, de forma inequívocament noviolenta.

L'acció vol repetir iniciatives de reivindicació de l'espai públic com les que van fer el moviment dels indignats i del 15M en les jornades de reflexió del 2011 i del 2015. 

Ara, l'objectiu de la convocatòria és fer reflexionar l'Estat, recordar-li que no pot restringir ni limitar el dret a la llibertat d'expressió, ni el dret a la lliure reunió i manifestació. I recordar-li que els conflictes polítics S'han de resoldre políticament: ni policialment, ni judicialment, ni amb amenaces constants a la població. Hi ha una solució democràtica al conflicte, que passa pel diàleg i la negociació: #SpainsitAndTalk.

Tsunami Democràtic anima a entitats, agrupacions, associacions, colles, grups de particulars a organitzar activitats i confirmar-les al correu 9N@desobeimlajec.org per poder-les integrar al programa i comunicar-les de manera conjunta. A Barcelona, la convocatòria és a Plaça Catalunya a les 16h, on hi haurà actuacions musicals, parlaments intervencions diverses. La iniciativa s'estén a totes les ciutats del país. 

Es crida tothom a participar d'aquesta jornada, on ja es pot anunciar que es provarà per primera vegada l'aplicació de Tsunami Democràtic com a preparació de la primera gran acció que es portarà a terme a través de l'app els dies 11,12 i 13 de novembre.

Per acabar: aquesta acció només es convoca per a la jornada de reflexió, el 9 de novembre. El dia 10, Tsunami defensa l'exercici del dret a vot, com la resta de drets fonamentals. Les urnes no fan por, tot el contrari: és el que reclama la majoria de la població catalana. Més urnes. Més democràcia. 

Mentrestant: organitzem-nos. Protegim-nos, cuidem-nos.

See also: https://english.vilaweb.cat/noticies/tsunami-democratic-we-encourage-non-violent-mobilisation-to-defend-basic-rights/

github

Knee-jerk overkill. When a particular app is claimed to be a terrorist offence. How can anyone take the slightest notice of this hysterical message, devoid of any substance at all?!

Student Manifesto (OCT 2019)

PLAÇA UNIVERSITAT CAMP-OUT: MANIFESTO

Click here  if need be to read the whole post

Tsunami3

This is the third communiqué by Tsunami Democràtic, which the Spanish police blames for... terrorist actions! Translation: MS.

Click here  if need be to read the whole post

Llombart-Catalunya-és-un-país

This reached me via WA. It was written 3 or 4 years ago but is totally relevant. The author, Jofre Llombart, agrees to my translating it into English!

Click here  if need be to read the whole post

Statement on attacks on ECCHR partner, lawyer Gonzalo Boye (21 OCT 2019)

A strong statement by leading international lawyers protesting about tthe Spanish Government's harrassment of President Puigdemont's lawyer Gonzalo Boye.  

Click , if need be, to read the full text

Financial Times editorial

El diari anglès Financial Times ha fet un editorial crític amb la sentència del Tribunal Suprem (

Click here if need be to read the whole post.

Five marches for Freedom (October 16-18 2019)

Videos of the impressive five three-day marches for freedom held in Catalonia, converging on the capital Barcelona on Friday 18 october 2019, in protest at the severe gaol sentences passed down on the nine Catalan pro-independence social and political leaders. Please share. I'll update the post as I gather more material.
Click here if need be to read the whole post

Carta-Torra-Rei

Señor,

Carme Forcadell, Oriol Junqueras, Jordi Turull, Dolors Bassa, Josep Rull, Raül Romeva, Joaquim Forn, Jordi Sánchez y Jordi Cuixart, todas ellas personas honorables, pacíficas e indiscutiblemente demócratas han sido condenadas a entre 9 y 13 años de prisión por unos delitos que no cometieron. Han sido condenados -después de dos años de una vergonzosa y cruel prisión provisional- por haber defendido el derecho de voto, el derecho a decidir el futuro de todo un pueblo. Con ellos, hoy se condena al pueblo de Cataluña y su derecho a la autodeterminación. La democracia española pierde con esta sentencia del Tribunal Supremo toda su credibilidad.

El Primero de Octubre de 2017 fue un día muy importante para la historia de Cataluña. Más de dos millones de ciudadanos ejercieron su derecho de voto contra la amenaza y la estrategia del miedo y la violencia de un Estado que no supo asumir un desafío democrático en pleno siglo XXI. Ese día se produjo una violencia policial absolutamente impropia de una democracia europea. Y millones de catalanes decidieron que defenderían las urnas y la palabra frente a las agresiones y la amenaza de la fiscalía. Hoy, quien debería recibir sentencia son los agresores de aquella jornada. Quién debería ser condenado es quien ordenó la agresión indiscriminada de ciudadanos de paz que no cometían ningún delito con una papeleta en las manos en los centros de votación.

La defensa de los Derechos Humanos es prioritaria en cualquier Estado de Derecho. No hay ninguna consideración política que justifique pisar los DD. HH., Ni los derechos civiles y políticos de la población. No puede haber ningún principio superior. Ni la unidad de España ni la independencia de Cataluña pueden servir como excusa para vulnerar los derechos de la población ni de sus representantes políticos.

Lejos de resolver el problema y el conflicto entre Cataluña y el Reino de España, la sentencia del Tribunal Supremo empeora la situación y nos aleja de una solución y de una salida que desde Cataluña no hemos dejado de perseguir. Hemos estado siempre dispuestos a hablar y dialogar sobre este conflicto político que hay que resolver, hoy más que nunca, políticamente. Es por ello, teniendo en cuenta la gravedad de la situación, que le pido una reunión urgente para encarar el conflicto como lo hacen las democracias: hablando y dando la voz a la ciudadanía.

También os adjunto la declaración institucional leída hoy en el Palau de la Generalitat como reacción a la sentencia para su conocimiento de primera mano.

Quedo a la espera de su respuesta.

Atentamente,

Quim Torra i Pla

Presidente de la Generalidad de Cataluña

Barcelona, a 14 de octubre de 2019

Aeroport

Una selecció de vídeos sobre els fets de l'aeroport del Prat. No-violència per part dels manifestants.
Clica aquí  si cal per llegir tota l'entrada


14 d'octubre de 2019.

Primers crits d'"independència" a l'aeroport del Prat. Hi ha gent concentrada als accessos https://t.co/Q9Ci81zb3d #SentènciaProcés pic.twitter.com/hf2ucBNODh

— 324.cat (@324cat) October 14, 2019

Primeres cancel·lacions i endarreriments a l'aeroport del Prat. Diuen que les tripulacions no poden accedir-hi. NO ENS ATUREM. COM SIGUI. TOTHOM A L'AEROPORT. pic.twitter.com/JpIbgXZ6aI

— Sergi Pinkman (@sergipinkman) October 14, 2019

Almenys seixanta-set vols anul·lats a l’aeroport de Barcelona https://t.co/rcKhKnPTXi

— VilaWeb (@VilaWeb) October 14, 2019

Manifestants arribant a l'aeroport del Prat. Venen caminant des de la Gran Via o deixen el cotxe a la carretera https://t.co/hI2jPzL5Lv #SentènciaProcés pic.twitter.com/1DeMlSl2h4

— 324.cat (@324cat) October 14, 2019

Noves càrregues a l'aeroport del Prat, ara per part de la policia espanyolahttps://t.co/2Rdt7Wzkwi pic.twitter.com/wgoIKPCXfm

— ElNacional.cat (@elnacionalcat) October 14, 2019

Malgrat la pluja segueix arribant gent a l'aeroport del Prat #TsunamiDemocràtic pic.twitter.com/3GOOrGT4L6

— Jordi Salvia 🎗 (@jordisalvia) October 14, 2019

Accessos a l'aeroport del Prat. Una marea humana. https://t.co/oJSQY0nsZS

— Jesús Rodríguez (@albertmartnez) October 14, 2019

VÍDEO Els agents de la policia espanyola fan càrregues il·legals, a l'alçada del cap dels manifestants que estan d'esquenes, i dispara projectils de FOAM per dispersar la concentració a l'aeroport del Prat https://t.co/DsyW8iCrRg pic.twitter.com/xCdZbjGDyK

— NacióDigital (@naciodigital) October 14, 2019

EN DIRECTE | VÍDEO Els manifestants a l'aeroport del Prat fan recular el cordó policial amb les mans enlaire i crits de «som gent de pau» i «els carrers seran sempre nostres»

🎥 @martiurgell https://t.co/6aos8fSbzK pic.twitter.com/xbpeHl75RS

— NacióDigital (@naciodigital) October 14, 2019

Crits de "llibertat presos polítics" a l'interior de l'aeroport del Prat https://t.co/hI2jPzL5Lv #SentènciaProcés (Vídeo: @JonInarritu) pic.twitter.com/WJQu8cNWwu

— 324.cat (@324cat) October 14, 2019

https://twitter.com/denterd/status/1183765289734946818?s=19

https://twitter.com/denterd/status/1183782453984538624?s=19

https://twitter.com/denterd/status/1183838752902397953?s=19

https://twitter.com/denterd/status/1183845779267575808?s=19

https://twitter.com/denterd/status/1183847611301879816?s=19

https://twitter.com/KateSB/status/1183776516951420928?s=19

https://twitter.com/QuicoSalles/status/1183807438572703744?s=19

https://twitter.com/QuicoSalles/status/1183766679832150018?s=19

Sentencia-Marti

Here is an English rendering of the initial reaction by Prof. Martí to this morning's Supreme Court judgment condemning seven of the Catalan political leaders, and the two social society leaders, to 9-13 year gaol sentences. I hope he does not mind!
Click here if need be to access the whole text.

MANIFEST SOBRE LA VULNERACIÓ DE DRETS FONAMENTALS - Drets, Compromesos i altres (10/10/2019)

Here is the MANIFESTO ON THE VIOLATION OF FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND THE POLITICAL USE OF THE COURTS IN SPAIN: INFRINGEMENT OF THE PRINCIPLES AND INSPIRATORY VALUES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, by Drets, Associació Atenes and others. The English version will follow.
Click here if need be to access the whole text.

Communiqué Fédération Internationale pour les Droits Humain / EuroMed Droits (9 OCT 2019)

Communiqué [FR] [SP] de la FIDH (Fédération Internationale pour les Droits Humains) et EuroMed Droits (Réseau euro-méditerranéen des droits humains):
Procès des indépendantistes Catalans : La FIDH et Euromed Droits dénoncent des irrégularités
Click here if need be to access the whole text.

Versión española, debajo de la francesa.

Source: https://www.fidh.org/fr/regions/europe-asie-centrale/espagne/madrid-proces-des-independantistes-catalans-la-fidh-et-euromed-droits

Madrid - Procès des indépendantistes Catalans : La FIDH et Euromed Droits dénoncent des irrégularités
09/10/2019

Communiqué

Nos organisations publient aujourd’hui un rapport d’observation dénonçant des irrégularités dans le procès des douze responsables associatifs et politiques catalans, tenu à Madrid entre le 12 février et le 12 juin 2019. Déroulé sans véritable débat contradictoire, utilisant des éléments à charge issus d’autres procédures non clôturées, s’appuyant sur des témoignages stéréotypés et n’assurant pas le respect des droits de la défense, ce procès n’offre pas, selon les observateurs, les garanties nécessaires à le qualifier d’équitable.

Dominique Noguères, en tant que vice-présidente de la Ligue française des droits de l’Homme, et Alexandre Faro, comme avocat à la cour d’appel de Paris, ont été mandatés par la FIDH (Fédération Internationale pour les Droits Humains) et EuroMed Droits (Réseau euro-méditerranéen des droits humains) pour être observateurs au procès. Cette mission a eu lieu en lien avec la plateforme International Trial Watch. Plus de 60 personnes, venues des cinq continents, ont pu assister à ce procès en tant qu’observateurs.
Les observateurs de la FIDH et d’EuroMed Droits ont été présents à deux reprises la première semaine du procès du 12 au 16 février, puis du 27 mai au 4 juin avec d’autres observateurs venus de Belgique, d’Italie, des États-Unis et de professeurs de droit espagnols.

Plusieurs points marquants sont mentionnés dans le rapport qui est présenté ce jour :

1. Les observateurs constatent que sous couvert d’une organisation parfaite, il manque l’essentiel du procès : le débat contradictoire, qui devrait permettre à chacun de s’exprimer et de faire ressortir la vérité des faits reprochés.
2. Les observateurs s’interrogent sur les conditions dans lesquelles ont été auditionnés les témoins. Comment un agent des forces de sécurité peut-il dire autre chose que ce que son supérieur a exposé la veille devant le Tribunal ? Ce qui fait que lors de l’audition des témoins, souvent les mêmes mots reviennent comme des déclarations stéréotypées, qui laissent planer le doute sur la spontanéité et la véracité de leurs déclarations.
3. La multiplicité des procédures entre plusieurs juridictions et sa centralisation tardive et incomplète devant le Tribunal Supremo constituent selon les observateurs une atteinte au droit à un procès équitable. Un certain nombre de ces procédures ne sont pas clôturées mais certains des éléments les composant ont été utilisés pendant le procès. Les observateurs estiment qu’une partie des faits à charge reposent sur une instruction qui concerne des faits antérieurs et étrangers à ceux de la cause.
4. Les conditions dans lesquelles ont été examinées les preuves, la présentation de films et ou de vidéos laissent aussi à désirer puisqu’elles n’ont été faites que les derniers jours du procès, rendant impossible toute discussion ou débat contradictoire.
5. Concernant le droit d’appel, il apparaît aux observateurs que la qualité professionnelle d’un juge n’est pas un critère pertinent qui permet de suppléer la carence d’un double niveau de juridiction qui est seul à même de permettre un réexamen de l’affaire par d’autres juges.
6. La présence aux côtés de l’accusation d’un parti politique (VOX) qui n’a été victime de rien et qui soutient des thèses à l’opposé de celles des accusés.

Les observateurs considèrent donc que les conditions d’un procès équitable ne sont pas réunies en raison de l’absence de débat contradictoire, par les atteintes multiples et répétées des droits de la défense, par le découpage des procédures et par l’utilisation de pièces provenant d’autres instructions non encore clôturées dont la défense n’a pas eu connaissance.

Rapport d’observation sur le proces des politiques et associatifs catalans à Madrid

Le Contexte

A la suite des événements qui ont eu lieu tout au long de l’année 2017 en Catalogne et qui ont abouti au référendum du 1er octobre, puis à la proclamation de l’indépendance aussitôt suspendue, neuf personnalités tant politiques qu’associatives ont été incarcérées, certaines depuis octobre 2017 d’autres depuis mars 2018.
Il s’agit des présidents des deux plus grandes associations citoyennes de Catalogne : Jordi Cuixart pour Omnium et Jordi Sanchez pour Association Nationale Catalane, et de la présidente du Parlement de Catalogne Carme Forcadell, du Vice-Président du gouvernement catalan Oriol Junqueras et des ministres Joaquim Forn, Jordi Turull, Raul Romeva, Josep Rull et Dolors Bassa. A la suite d’une longue instruction répartie entre différents tribunaux, ces neuf personnes ont été renvoyées devant le Tribunal Supremo qui siège à Madrid. Trois autres ministres comparaissent également en liberté conditionnelle : Meritxell Borràs, Carles Mundó, Ministre de la Justice, et Santi Vila, également ministre. Ils sont accusés de violence, de sédition et de malversation.

...ooo000ooo...

[SP]
Fuente: https://www.fidh.org/es/region/europa-y-asia-central/espana/jucio-a-los-catalanes-independentistas-en-madrid-fidh-y-euromed

Juicio a los Catalanes independentistas en Madrid: FIDH y Euromed Rights denuncian serias irregularidades

09/10/2019

Comunicado
España

Nuestras organizaciones publican hoy un informe de observación denunciando las irregularidades en el juicio a doce políticos y dirigentes asociativos catalanes, celebrado en Madrid entre el 12 de febrero y el 12 de junio de 2019. Habiéndose vulnerado el principio de contradicción, utilizando pruebas de otros procedimientos inconclusos, apoyándose en testimonios estereotipados y, sin garantizar el respeto de los derechos de defensa, este juicio no ofrece, según los observadores, las garantías necesarias para calificarlo como justo.

Dominique Noguères, en calidad de vicepresidente de la Liga Francesa de Derechos Humanos, y Alexandre Faro, como abogado del Tribunal de Apelación de París, recibieron el mandato de la FIDH (Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos) y de EuroMed Rights (Red Euromediterránea de Derechos Humanos) de ser observadores en el juicio. Esta misión se llevó a cabo en colaboración con la plataforma International Tiral Watch. Más de 60 personas de los cinco continentes pudieron asistir al juicio como observadores.

Los observadores de la FIDH y de EuroMed Rights estuvieron presentes en dos ocasiones durante la primera semana del juicio, del 12 al 16 de febrero y del 27 de mayo al 4 de junio, junto con otros observadores de Bélgica, Italia, Estados Unidos y profesores de derecho españoles.

En el informe presentado hoy se mencionan varios puntos clave:

1. Los observadores constatan que, bajo la apariencia de una organización perfecta, falta el elemento esencial del juicio: el principio de contradicción, que debería permitir a cada parte expresarse y sacar a la luz la verdad de los hechos alegados.

2. Los observadores cuestionan las condiciones en las que se realizaron las audiencias a los testigos. ¿Se puede esperar que un oficial de las fuerzas de seguridad diga algo que no sea lo que hubiera dicho su superior un día antes ante el Tribunal? Como resultado, durante las audiencias a los testigos, los mismos discursos se repiten a menudo como declaraciones estereotipadas, lo que pone en duda la espontaneidad y la veracidad de las declaraciones.

3. La multiplicidad de procedimientos en distintas jurisdicciones y su centralización tardía e incompleta ante el Tribunal Supremo constituyen, según los observadores, una violación del derecho a un juicio justo. A pesar de que varios de estos procedimientos no están cerrados, algunos de los elementos de estos fueron utilizados durante el juicio. Los observadores creen que parte de los hechos de la fiscalía se basan en una investigación que se centra en hechos anteriores y ajenos a los del caso.

4. Las condiciones en las que se examinaron las pruebas, así como la presentación de películas y/o vídeos también dejan que desear puesto que sólo se realizaron en los últimos días del juicio, lo que imposibilitó que se produjera una discusión o un verdadero debate en aras del principio de contradicción.

5. En cuanto al derecho de apelación: los observadores consideran que la calidad profesional de un juez no es un criterio pertinente capaz de compensar la falta de una doble instancia, lo único que permite que otros magistrados puedan reexaminar el caso.

6. La presencia junto a la acusación de un partido político (VOX) que no ha sido víctima de nada y que sostiene tesis opuestas a las de los acusados.

Por lo tanto, los observadores consideran que no se cumplen las condiciones para un juicio justo debido a la ausencia de debate contradictorio, a las múltiples y repetidas violaciones de los derechos de la defensa, a la multiplicidad de procedimientos y a la utilización de documentos de otras investigaciones inconclusas de los que la defensa no había sido informada.

Contexto:

Siguiendo los acontecimientos que tuvieron lugar a lo largo de 2017 en Cataluña y que condujeron al referéndum del 1 de octubre y a la proclamación de la independencia, que fue suspendida inmediatamente, nueve figuras políticas y asociativas fueron encarceladas, algunas de ellas desde octubre de 2017 y otras desde marzo de 2018.

Se trata de los presidentes de las dos asociaciones cívicas más importantes de Cataluña: Jordi Cuixart de Omnium y Jordi Sánchez de la Asamblea Nacional Catalana, así como de la presidenta del Parlamento de Cataluña, Carme Forcadell, el vicepresidente de la Generalitat, Oriol Junqueras, y los consejeros Joaquim Forn, Jordi Turull, Raul Romeva, Josep Rull y Dolors Bassa. Se les acusa de violencia, sedición y malversación de fondos.

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Montserrat, 30 Sept 2019. #llill

Disculpeu-me les repeticions, quasi inevitables i difícils de suprimir amb html!
Please forgive the repetitions, which are almost unavoidable using html!
Click here if need be to access the whole text.

Communiqué by the Prague Collective (7/10/2019)

Comunicat del Col·lectiu Praga sobre la vulneració dels drets dels presumptes integrants dels CDR detinguts. 7/10/2019

Communiqué by the Prague Collective on the violation of the rights of the alleged members of the CDR detainees. 10/7/2019

Click here if need be to read the whole post

VIDEO: Hackers 1 October 2017 - TV3

VIDEO: Hackers 1 October 2017 - TV3 (English subtitles)
Click here if need be to read the whole post

VIDEO: "1-O" - MediaPro - English

VIDEO: "1O" - MediaPro - English subtitles
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https://youtu.be/MmszwyfInNY

"Data de publicació: 11 July. 2018

On the 6th September 2017, the Catalan regional government called an independence referendum.

Despite being banned by the Spanish government, the 1st of October with rain lashing down and in an extremely hostile atmosphere, thousands of people went out to vote. "1-0"is the story of the day of what happened in 5 of the polling stations in what both a terrible yet unforgettable day which saw more than two million people fight pacifically for their right to decide their own future."

Suport valencià a KRLS (4/10/2019)

Manifest del Grup Valencià de Suport a Puigdemont (4 d'octubre de 2019)

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3rd Communiqué by Tsunami Democràtic (3 OCT 2019)

Rebut el 3 d'octubre per la xarxa / I received this on October 3 through the social media.

Click here if need be to read the whole post

Sessió al Senat français - Irene Lozano, 19 SET 2019

Acta de la sessió de la comissió d'afers europeus, amb la Sra. Irene Lozano de "España Global" per desinformar sobre la desinformació dels "separatistes" catalans.
Clica aquí si cal per llegir tota l'entrada.

L'arc de l'univers moral

Traducció al català de part d'un article sobre "L'arc de l'univers moral", expressió de Charles Parker citada per Martin Luther King i Barack Obama, entre d'altres.
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News about the Catalan Way (2013)

News about the Catalan Way - human chain, 11 September 2013.
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Spanish Supreme Court case-law on civil desobedience

Supreme Court case law on civil disobedience. On the date of this post it seemed clear that the Supreme Court's own case-law would lead to Jordi Sanchez (AMC) and Jordi Cuixart's (Omnium Cultural) acquittal.

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https://twitter.com/jonathanmartinz/status/983677311324184576?s=19

TRIBUNAL SUPREMO 

Sala de lo Penal 

SENTENCIA N° : 480/2009 

Excmos. Sres. : 

D. Juan Saavedra Ruiz 

D. Andrés Martinez Arrieta 

D. Manuel Maza Martín

D. Miguel Colmenero Menéndez de Luarca 

D. Juan Ramón Berdugo Gómez de la Torre

...

...ooo000ooo...

https://twitter.com/jonathanmartinz/status/983674072117673984?s=19

"La desobediencia civil puede ser concebida como un método legítimo de discrepancia frente al Estado, cuya admisión como tal forma de ideologia o pensamiento, no puede ser cuestionada en un Estado democràtico."

Sentencia Núm. 480/2009 del Tribunal Supremo

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My translation: "Civil disobedience can be construed as a legitimate method of discrepancy with the State, the admission of which, as such a form of ideology or thought, cannot be questioned in a democratic State."

Supreme Court Judgment No. 480/2009 of the 

Declaració de la Junta de Portaveus, Parlament de Catalunya (26 SET 2019)

Declaració de la Junta de Portaveus del Parlament de Catalunya de 26 de setembre de 2019.
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Communiqué by Council for the Catalan Republic on "CDR" arrests (24 SEP 2019)

Communiqué by the Council for the Catalan Republic. Here is an English rendering.
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Pregunta de Jon Iñarritu, diputado, sobre un discurso del general Garrido, de la Guardia Civil

Jon Iñarritu Garcia, diputado de EH-BILDU, pregunta al Goberno español sobre un discurso del general Jefe de la Vll Zona de la Guardia Civil en Cataluña.
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https://twitter.com/JonInarritu/status/1172419784194969601?s=19

Según el Gobierno, los discursos ultras del general jefe de la VII Zona de la Guardia Civil en #Catalunya... “mantienen el deber de neutralidad política” #PreguntasParlamentarias #Torrente pic.twitter.com/7dXHh31dUw

— Jon Inarritu (@JonInarritu) September 13, 2019

EH-BILDU

A LA MESA DEL CONGRESO DE LOS DIPUTADOS

Jon Iñarrltu Garcia, diputado de EH-BILDU, integrado en el Grupo Parlamentario Mixto, de conformidad con Io previsto en el artículo 185 del Reglamento del Congreso de los Diputados, presenta las siguientes PREGUNTAS AL GOBIERNO CON SOLICITUD DE RESPUESTA POR ESCRITO.

El pasado 16 de mayo, Pedro Garrido, el general Jefe de la Vll Zona de la Guardia Civil en Cataluña realizó un discurso* en la Comandancla de la Guardia Civil en Cataluña, situada en Sant Andreu de la Barca (Barcelona) con motivo de la conmemoración del 175 aniversario de la fundación de la Guardia Civil. En el mismo, el general manifestó: "Somos el cuerpo que hoy en día está enfrentado al terrorismo; al independentismo radical, autócrata, sectario y supremacista; al crimen organizado y a todas las formas de actuación contra el Estado, tal como lo concibe y estipula la Constitución". 

Por todo ello, deseo conocer: 

1,-¿Comparte el Gobierno el discurso del General?
2,-¿Cuál es el independentismo radical, autócrata, sectarlo y supremacista al que se
refiere el general?
3,-¿Consldera el Gobierno que es equiparable la ideologia independentista con el
terrorismo y el crimen organizado?
4.-¿Estima el Gobierno que el general ha mantenido su deber de neutralidad política?
5.-¿Supervisó el Gobierno el discurso del general? ¿Dio su autorización al mismo?
6.-¿Ha abierto alguna investigación sobre este hecho? ¿Con qué resultado?
7.-¿Qué valoración hace el Gobierno de la presencia de la extrema derecha en las
Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad del Estado (FCSE)?
8.-¿Ha desarrollado algún plan de detección de extremismo radical en el seno de las FCSE?

Congreso de los Diputados, a 11 de junio de 2019

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RESPUESTA DEL GOBIERNO

184/255          13/06/2019      1641 

AUTOR/A: INARRITU GARCIA J.. (GM.)

RESPUESTA:

En relación con las diversas cuestiones formuladas, se indica que las ideas expresadas por el General aludido durante su discurso respetan el marco normativo que regula el comportamiento de los miembros de las Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad del Estado. Además, se entiende que ha mantenido su deber de neutralidad politica.

Asimismo, se informa que no se supervisó el discurso, ni es necesaria la autorización y no se ha abierto investigación alguna.

Finalmente, las Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad del Estado deben actuar con "absoluta neutralidad politica" (articulo 5.1 b) de la Ley Orgánica 2/1986, de 13 de marzo, de Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad, por lo que cualquier comportamiento que no siga este principio de actuación será sancionado según está determinado por la normativa de cada uno de los Cuerpos.

Madrid,11 de septiembre de 2019

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*

El jefe de la Guardia Civil en Cataluña: "Enfrentamos al independentismo supremacista". https://www.elmundo.es/cataluna/2019/05/16/5cdd879c21efa0827b8b4605.html

Interview with Alessandro Gamberini (September 14 2019)

Extracts of interview with Alessandro Gamberini, lawyer of activist Carola Rackete, a guest of Foreign Friends of Catalonia (English translation by M. Strubell)
Click here  if need be, to view the rest of the post.

Communiqué by Tsunami Democràtic (setembre de 2019)

Democratic Tsunami: communiqué to be translated into English.

(Rebut per WhatsApp)

Click here if need be, to view the whole post.

Europe Écologie Les Verts - Communiqué

Communiqué (translated into English) issued by the North Catalan delegation of Europe Écologie Les Verts, on Catalonia's National Day 2019, calling for the release of the political prisoners.
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Letter "Democratic Dignity and Freedom" (8 Sept 2019)

Here is an English translation (by MS) of a letter, "Democratic dignity and freedom", written and signed by the pro-independence Catalan politicans and social society leaders who are in prison or in exile.

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Bloc Públic Independentista

This is the Communiqué issued by a new pro-independence group, BLOC PÚBLIC INDEPENDENTISTA.
Click here if need be, to view the rest of the post.

By Vicent Partal: That is why they wanted the trial to be held in Madrid

Today's editorial on why they wanted the trial to be held in Madrid, by Vicent Partal. May the judges prove him wrong! English translation: MS: I hope the author does not object.
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52 diputats francesos

TRIBUNE. 52 députés français protestent contre la répression des élus catalans en Espagne.
le 31 août 2019
https://www.lejdd.fr/International/Europe/tribune-52-deputes-francais-protestent-contre-la-repression-des-elus-catalans-en-espagne-3916972

English translation
Traducció catalana

ITW

OBSERVATION REPORT. SPECIAL CAUSE NUM. 20907/2017 
SPANISH SUPREME COURT
BARCELONA – 2019. 46 pp.
ITW / Process 1
The authors of this report are Mercè Barceló i Serramalera and Iñaki Rivera Beiras, members of International Trial Watch (ITW). This report has been possible thanks to the work of the rapporteurs of ITW: Rachele Stroppa, Joan Baeza Morral and Laura Moreno Yuste.

https://internationaltrialwatch.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/ITW-OBSERVATION-REPORT_ENG.pdf

Manifiesto: La banalización de los delitos de rebelión y sedición

El novembre de 2018 es va publicar un important Manifest criticant durament l'actuació de la Fiscalia de l'Estat i l'Advocacia de l'Estat, pel que fa a les seves posicions davant el judici -viciat de nul·litat- al Tribunal Suprem.
Clica aquí si cal per accedir al text sencer

17A PER ACABAR

https://www.vilaweb.cat/noticies/17-a-els-dies-que-van-posar-espanya-en-alerta/


On August 17, 2017 and the following days, Spain saw the snake's fangs of the Catalan independent state, because the wolf was really real

16.08.2019 21:50

Vicent Partal

A prior issue about the controversy created by some media close to the Spanish government on a supposed conspiratorial treatment of the events of August 17, 2017 in Barcelona and Cambrils. Let's clarify: this sort of thing is not resolved by newspapers, but by irrefutable official investigations and the unlimited release of confidential information held by all the authorities. After acknowledging that the Ripoll imam had relations with the CNI, Spain should have allowed the parliaments to access all possible and necessary documentation and, instead, it reacted by denying, thanks t the parties of the Regime, investigative commissions that are relevant in cases such as this and that are common throughout the world when there are attacks of this magnitude. Given this very serious action, which only a will to cover up can explain, no accusation that can be made precisely against those who demand the clarification of the facts can be at all credible. And it does not deserve a single line more of discussion.

Now to the nitty-gritty.

There is one thing about the events of 17August  that is not substantial but that had a great influence later on, yet it has not been sufficiently highlighted. That's why I would like to focus my comment on it today, exactly two years after the attacks.
 I am talking about the absolute control of the territory and of the institutions that the Generalitat de Catalunya had between the 17th and 19th of August 2017, a State-style control that made the Principality act as a completely independent state on those two days. I am convinced that this fact triggered all the alarms in Madrid and that it set off repression as of September 20 and the action on October 1. Rajoy could have chosen to ignore them, as he did with the 9 November 2014 vote, but this time he opted for a violent confrontation. I think one of the reasons was what he saw immediately after the attacks.

++++++
I think that everyone has in mind the extreme coordination and capacity of the mechanism of reaction to the attack. All public services worked in a synchronized manner, despite being in full swing. The Mossos deployed for the first time - and this is not an anecdote - the Cronos plan, designed to take full control of the territory. The hospitals and all the health services coordinated with great efficiency. Public transportation throughout the country was coordinated, and especially in the metropolitan area. In all public media, an information system was established, and the fight against misinformation, which was later internationally highlighted as an exemplar. The government of Catalonia turned its face from the first minute and generated a climate of confidence with the interventions of President Puigdemont, of the advisors Forn, Comín and Romeva and the major Trapero. And, of course, it was quickly investigated who the authors were, who were persecuted at a great rate - the famous fifty hours - to eradicate the threat of new attacks, in a way that, although controversial and arguable (it was necessary to kill them all?), no one can describe either slow or ineffective.

The absence, in all this, of the Spanish government was clamorous. He did not paint anything. International media only had reference to the Catalan government and the 'Catalan ministers' that appeared now and there to give explanations. Rajoy took seven hours to come to Barcelona and did not know what to do. He agreed to appear at the Department of the Interior and not to the delegation of his government at an event organized by the Generalitat, after a lecture with the logo of the four bars, which broke the whole protocol. And two specific moments, which everyone should remember, seems to trigger all the alarms at the Moncloa.

The first was when, on the 18th in the afternoon, the counselor Raül Romeva officially received the French and German Foreign Affairs Ministers, Jean-Yves Le Drian and Sigmar Gabriel, respectively, at the airport in Barcelona. The Generalitat organized the entire stay of the two ministers in Barcelona - in the case of Sigmar Gabriel with some complication that was able to be resolved sharply - and coordinated all the assistance to the tourists affected by the attack. Romeva even accompanied them to a meeting with the vice president of the Spanish government, Soraya Sáenz, who merely played a secondary role. Remember that at that time, Spain, a month and a half short before the referendum on self-determination, was damaging to avoid any contact between the Catalan government and those of the European Union. The efficiency and treatment of Councilor Romeva were recognized by their colleagues.

The second - and I believe the definitive - great moment of alarm came a few days later, specifically on August 26, as a result of the demonstration on the Passeig de Gràcia condemnation of the attacks. All the manoeuvres by Moncloa and Zarzuela to reconvert this manifestation failed and the act was a sign of the rejection of the country and the Catalan institutions of the king of Spain and of the cynicism of the state, while becoming at the same time a popular tribute for the Mossos d'Esquadra, who saw their vehicles flooded with flowers. This happened in an atmosphere that recalled quite unique historical episodes of complicity between the armed forces and the population.

It was that atmosphere and that reality that triggered subsequent violence against the referendum. Because if nobody doubted the preparation and the capacity of Catalonia to face the future all alone, at that time he obtained a good response. For a few hours and a few days Catalonia worked as a completely independent state, with all the attributes of a state, with an efficiency, coordination and capacity that impressed.

And a final comment. There is a famous discussion about whether everything was ready or not. For independence. The answer is on the 17-A. Nobody works, under that tension, as an independent state if he has not done the homework beforehand to do so. I understand that everything that happened from the first of October has given rise to criticism and doubts. But if you look at what happened after the attacks, some of the discussions that you still want to support do not seem very sensible. On 17 August and the following days, Spain saw the ears in the wolf of the Catalan independent state because the wolf was real. And that is why, and not the events of the first of October, that the body of Mossos d'Esquadra was crushed by 155. And for this reason, and not because of the events of the first of October, the Department of Foreign Affairs was demolished For that reason, the minister Forn and the greater Trapero are at the point of view of the regime, and not for the events of the first of October. That is why they want to weaken the Generalitat in all possible ways, and not by the first of October. And that is why the Puigdemont is the enemy to go down. Because it was the president who directed a government of the Generalitat who worked for a few days as a de facto State.

But, above all, from here comes the absolute urgency that has forced Spain to undress desperate before society and the world, taking on a brutally repressive, violent and undemocratic paper that no one, any state of the planet, it never assumes if it is not like a last resort, when it has no choice but to do it. Think about it ...

El 17 d'agost de 2017 i els dies següents, Espanya va veure les orelles al llop de l'estat independent català, perquè el llop era ben real

16.08.2019 21:50 
Vicent Partal

Una qüestió prèvia sobre la polèmica creada per alguns mitjans pròxims al govern espanyol sobre un presumpte enfocament conspirador dels fets del 17 d’agost de 2017 a Barcelona i Cambrils. Aclarim-nos: aquesta mena de coses no les resolen els diaris, sinó les investigacions oficials irrefutables i l’obertura sense reserves de la informació confidencial en poder de totes les autoritats. Després d’haver reconegut que l’imam de Ripoll tenia relacions amb el CNI, l’estat espanyol hauria hagut de permetre l’accés dels parlaments a tota la documentació possible i necessària i, en canvi, va reaccionar-hi denegant, mitjançant els partits del règim, les comissions d’investigacions que són pertinents en un cas com aquest i que a tot el món són habituals quan hi ha atemptats d’aquesta magnitud. A partir d’aquesta gravíssima actuació, que tan sols pot explicar una voluntat encobridora, cap acusació que es puga fer precisament contra els qui reclamem l’esclariment dels fets no té gens de credibilitat. I no mereix ni una ratlla més de discussió.

Ara, al gra.

Hi ha una cosa dels fets del 17-A que no és substancial però que va tenir una gran influència posterior i que, tanmateix, no ha estat prou remarcada. Per això m’agradaria centrar-hi el meu comentari, avui que fa dos anys dels atemptats.

Parle del control absolut del territori i de les institucions que la Generalitat de Catalunya va tenir entre el 17 i el 19 d’agost de 2017, un control de caràcter estatal que va fer que aquells dos dies el Principat actuàs com un estat completament independent. Estic convençut que aquest fet va disparar totes les alarmes a Madrid i que va precipitar la repressió a partir del 20 de setembre i l’actuació del primer d’octubre. Rajoy hauria pogut optar per desentendre-se’n, com va fer amb el 9-N, però aquesta vegada es decantà cap a l’enfrontament violent. Crec que una de les raons fou allò que observà immediatament després dels atemptats.

Pense que tothom té en el record l’extrema coordinació i capacitat del mecanisme de reacció a l’atemptat. Tots els serveis públics van funcionar d’una manera sincronitzada, malgrat estar en plenes vacances. Els Mossos varen desplegar per primera volta –i això no és cap anècdota– el pla Cronos, destinat a prendre el control complet del territori. Els hospitals i tots els serveis sanitaris es van coordinar amb una gran eficàcia.  Es va coordinar el transport públic a tot el país, i sobretot a l’àrea metropolitana. A tots els mitjans públics, s’hi va establir un sistema d’informació, i de combat contra la desinformació, que més endavant fou destacat internacionalment com a exemplar. El govern de Catalunya va donar la cara des del primer minut i generà un clima de confiança amb les intervencions del president Puigdemont, dels consellers Forn, Comín i Romeva i del major Trapero. I, evidentment, es va investigar ràpidament qui eren els autors, que foren perseguits amb una gran velocitat –les famoses cinquanta hores– per eradicar l’amenaça de nous atacs, d’una manera que, si bé és polèmica i discutible (era necessari matar-los tots?), ningú no pot qualificar ni de lenta ni d’ineficaç.

L’absència, en tot això, del govern espanyol va ser clamorosa. No hi pintava res. Els mitjans internacionals tan sols tenien de referència el govern català i els ‘Catalan ministers’ que apareixien ara i adés per a donar explicacions. Rajoy va trigar set hores a venir a Barcelona i no sabia què fer. Va acceptar de comparèixer al Departament d’Interior i no a la delegació del seu govern en un acte organitzat per la Generalitat, rere un faristol amb el logotip de les quatre barres, cosa que trencava tot el protocol. I dos moments concrets, que tots deveu recordar, em sembla que van desencadenar totes les alarmes a la Moncloa.

El primer va ser quan, el dia 18 a la vesprada, el conseller Raül Romeva va rebre de manera oficial a l’aeroport de Barcelona els ministres d’Afers Estrangers francès i alemany, Jean-Yves Le Drian i Sigmar Gabriel, respectivament. La Generalitat va organitzar tota l’estada dels dos ministres a Barcelona –en el cas de Sigmar Gabriel amb alguna complicació que es va saber resoldre brillantment– i va coordinar tota l’assistència als turistes afectats per l’atemptat. Romeva fins i tot els va acompanyar a una reunió amb la vice-presidenta del govern espanyol, Soraya Sáenz, que es va limitar a fer un paper secundari. Recordeu que en aquell moment l’estat espanyol, un mes i mig escàs abans del referèndum d’autodeterminació, maldava per evitar qualsevol contacte del govern català amb els de la Unió Europea. L’eficàcia i el tracte del conseller Romeva van ser reconeguts pels seus col·legues.

El segon gran moment d’alarma, i jo crec que definitiu, arribà pocs dies més tard, concretament el 26 d’agost, a conseqüència de la manifestació al passeig de Gràcia de condemna dels atemptats. Totes les maniobres de la Moncloa i la Zarzuela per a reconvertir aquella manifestació van fracassar i l’acte fou una mostra del rebuig del país i de les institucions catalanes al rei d’Espanya i al cinisme de l’estat, alhora que esdevingué un homenatge popular als Mossos d’Esquadra, que varen veure els seus vehicles inundats de flors. En un ambient que recordava episodis històrics, molt únics, de complicitat entre forces armades i població.

Van ser aquell ambient i aquella realitat que desencadenaren la violència posterior contra el referèndum. Perquè si ningú dubtava de la preparació i la capacitat de Catalunya per a encarar el futur tota sola, en aquell moment va obtenir una bona resposta. Durant unes quantes hores i uns quants dies Catalunya funcionà com un estat completament independent, amb tots els atributs d’un estat, amb una eficàcia, una coordinació i una capacitat que impressionaven.

I un comentari final. Hi ha la famosa discussió sobre si tot era a punt o no. Per a la independència. La resposta està en el 17-A. ningú no funciona, sota aquella tensió, com un estat independent si abans no ha fet els deures per a ser-ho. Entenc que tot allò que va passar a partir del primer d'octubre haja suscitat critiques i dubtes. Però si mireu què va passar després dels atemptats, algunes de les discussions que segons qui continua volent sostenir no semblen gaire sensates. EI 17-A i els dies següents, Espanya va veure les orelles al llop de l'estat independent català perquè el llop era ben real. I és per això, i no els fets del primer d'octubre, que el cos de Mossos d'Esquadra fou trinxat pel 155. I per això, i no pels fets del primer d'octubre, el Departament d'Afers Exteriors va ser derruït. Per això el conseller Forn i el major Trapero són al punt de mira del règim, i no pels fets del primer d'octubre. Per això volen afeblir la Generalitat per totes les vies possible i no pel primer d'octubre. I per això el Puigdemont és l'enemic a abatre. Perquè fou el president que dirigí un govern de la Generalitat que durant uns quants dies va funcionar com un estat de fet.

Però, per damunt de tot, d’ací ve la urgència absoluta que ha obligat l’estat espanyol a despullar-se a la desesperada davant la societat i davant el món, assumint un paper brutalment repressor, violent i antidemocràtic que ningú, cap estat del planeta, no assumeix mai si no és com un últim recurs, quan no té cap més remei que fer-ho. Penseu-hi…

See alsoTwitter thread: https://twitter.com/rcallimachi/status/956231090007617537?s=20

Cataluña, una "sociedad enferma de pasado"

La suposada malaltia de Catalunya va ser exposada per Américo Castro, el 1954, i represa, sembla que per Jordi Canal, en un seminari al Club Siglo XXI de Madrid el 2014, i després atribuïda, entre altres cops, en una entrevista recollida per la FAES, a Ricardo García Cárcel, que cita Canal en un llibre.
Clica aquí   si cal per veure el posta sencer.

Forests in Catalonia and the king. 1600-1640

References to Catalonia in David Goodman (2003), Spanish Naval Power, 1589-1665: Reconstruction and Defeat.

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Spanish Naval Power, 1589-1665: Reconstruction and Defeat

Per David Goodman

2003
https://books.google.es/books?isbn=0521522579

26:
   Olivares' dismay intensified in 1640 with the outbreak of rebellions in Catalonia and Portugal. He could not survive this succession of disasters. In January 1643 he was removed and Philip IV proclaimed his intention to govern by himself. However, by degrees, Olivares' nephew, Luis Mendez de Haro, rose to the position of principal minister. There was no weakening in the importance attached to naval forces. Twenty years after Olivares' dismissal, the Council of War continued to advise Philip that 'dominion over the sea is what is most respected and feared'.72 

   In the 1640s, after the French invaded Catalonia in support of the rebels, the Mediterranean again became an important theatre for Spanish naval forces. Minorca became a base for the defence of Catalonia as well as for patrolling the approaches to Italy. Much of the naval action in the Mediterranean was indecisive.73 The French proved unable to overcome the Monarchy's still formidable naval forces. The civil war of the Fronde sapped French naval effort and contributed to the recapture of Barcelona in 1652, in which the assistance of Spanish vessels had been decisive.74 Political change elsewhere also explains the ineffectiveness of the French fleet. Peace had at last come with the Dutch, depriving the French of an ally in the struggle with Spain. ...

p. 26

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27:
   Cromwell and the Rump had introduced a massive shipbuilding programme to defend the regime against the Stuarts. By 1653 the English had 180 ships in service. To promote the Protestant cause, Cromwell turned against the old enemy, Spain, champion of the papal Antichrist.78 He devised an ambitious plan to destroy Spanish power in America and secure the silver for England. This was Cromwell's 'Western Design'. Like Hawkins and Drake in the previous century, Cromwell decided to attack Hispaniola, Spain's administrative centre of the Caribbean. In December 1654 a fleet of thirty-eight ships sailed from England with 3,000 soldiers and picked up thousands more in Barbados. The army, made up of inexperienced troops, landed on the island in April. Within a few weeks, disease and lack of food and water took their toll; morale was destroyed. No match for the Spanish defenders, the ragged army re-embarked and the undefended Jamaica was captured instead. The commander, William Penn, made no attempt to capture the silver fleet whose position he knew. In disgrace, he was sent to the Tower on his return. Like other English commanders before him, Cromwell had underestimated the difficulties of a campaign in the Caribbean.

   Cromwell turned instead to the peninsula, aiming to seize incoming Indies silver fleets. In September 1656 the English achieved what had been done only once in a hundred years of the Spanish convoy system: Blake captured a silver fleet off Cadiz. The following April he tried again in Tenerife. This time the treasure was saved. The Spanish unloaded it just in time and deposited it in the island's fortress. But their ships were destroyed in Blake's attack. Cromwell maintained a blockade of peninsular coasts and joined forces with Mazarin for operations against Spain. It was largely the intention of demolishing this Anglo- French alliance that drove Spain to a peace treaty with France in 1659, recovering Catalonia but conceding Rossello and Cerdanya. Cromwell's death in 1658 brought some respite from the onslaught, but there was no peace with England until after the Restoration.

   At peace with both France and England, and no longer preoccupied with Catalonia, Spain in the 1660s could concentrate on Portugal, which now became the focus of naval operations. Ever since the outbreak of the Portuguese rebellion, plans were devised to crush it by sending a strong armada. In 1641 the duke of Najera, captain-general of the Atlantic fleet, urged Philip IV that deployment of the fleet was indispensable 'to prevent enemies sending assistance to Portugal', and because the Portuguese rebels, seeing that Your Majesty is lord of the sea, will recognize that their betrayal is an evil act against God and Your Majesty, and they will seek to return to his favour or expect to receive the punishment they so richly deserve'.79 Others advised a blockade of the Tagus to starve Lisbon, combined operations in the Algarve, and sailings to Ceuta and Tangier to stifle rebellion in the African fortresses.80 These plans of the 1640s may have been modelled on Philip II's highly successful use of sea and land forces in his conquest of Portugal in 1580. The difference now was the powerful support of the revolt by the intervention at various times of the French, and especially the English and Dutch. Huge supplies of munitions shipped from Holland sustained the rebellion.81 Another difference from the conquest of difference of 1580 was that Madrid in 1640 was simultaneously facing a full-scale uprising on the other side of the peninsula in Catalonia. And from 1640 up to the Peace of the Pyrenees in 1659, Catalonia was given a far higher priority than Portugal. The 40s and 50s therefore saw little naval action in Portuguese waters. That changed after the recovery of Catalonia. Again the strategy was combined. Pascual de Bohorques, artillery commander of the army of Estremadura, presented an amphibious strategy: ships to land infantry at Setubal and Cascais, a blockade of the Tagus, and then an invasion of an army from Estremadura. The plan was meticulously worked out in minute detail, down to the quantities of needles and thread required for repairs to sail-cloth.82 The prime minister, Luis de Haro, said the army's campaign 'would fail if unsupported' by naval forces.83 And that was also Philip's view.84 The armada was seen as essential for diverting the Portuguese troops on the frontier of Estremadura, but the proposed blockade of the Tagus was inhibited by the treaty with the Dutch, which permitted them to supply Portugal with food and merchandise other than munitions.85 All planning assumed that 'without strong naval forces the total conquest of the kingdom of Portugal cannot be achieved'.86

   Dreams of total conquest soon turned into total defeat for Spain's armies and the humiliating recognition in 1668 of Portugal's independence. Unexpected political developments contributed to this result. England chose to ally with Portugal instead of Spain. Charles II's marriage in May 1662 to Catherine of Bragança, the daughter of John IV of Portugal, brought him the dowry of Tangier which fanned Spanish fears for the safety of the African fortresses and Andalusia. Charles also received special trading rights in Portugal and its empire. In return he assisted the Portuguese rebels with troop reinforcements and the might of his navy, the most powerful in existence. That aid proved decisive in the Portuguese victories over the Spanish in 1663 and 1665. Spain's naval forces had decayed and were no match for the English. Luis de Oyanguren, Philip IV's secretary of the navy, might in the spirit of the 1620s continue to urge his king to become lord of the sea and so protect all his possessions.87 But this advice was wholly unrealistic in the 1660s. Spain's hegemony in Europe had been shattered, and England was now lord of the sea.

 pp. 27-29

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97
   The king's authority in the peninsula was nowhere more contested than in the principality of Catalonia. From Madrid's point of view the timber problem there was how to secure locally all that the Monarchy needed to guarantee a long-term future for galley building at Barcelona's arsenal, the only peninsular site for such construction, without infringing the region's political liberties. Those liberties were enshrined in the principality's Constitucions, a jealously guarded set of statutes that every acceding Spanish monarch swore to observe. The Constitucions were much more developed than the Basque fueros and specified the mode of government for a region of far greater area than the Basque provinces, with double the population, and bordering a hostile France. It was the failure of some ministers in Madrid and viceroys in Barcelona to maintain due sensitivity to the Constitutions that caused the full-blown rebellion of 1640-52.

   Some sensitivity is apparent in the correspondence between monarchs and viceroys relating to the exploitation or conservation of Catalonia's forests. The accent was emphatically on local consent and voluntary execution of the king's policy. The aim of the Council of War and the royal officials of the galley works was to procure abundant timber supplies from as close as possible to Barcelona, thereby avoiding heavy expenditure on transport and swelling the costs of production. That was exactly how Antonio de Alzatte, Philip Il's superintendent of the atarazanas, saw the problem. He regretted that the timber now came from places far from Barcelona: from Arbucies and Santa Coloma de Farnes; in the past it had been supplied from the much closer forests around Granollers, Sabadell and Terrassa. The change was not due to deforestation but to the concession of privileges to monasteries and nobles, granting them full use of those forests. Alzatte accepted that 'the Constitutions have to be observed' but added that in theory the king should be able to cut timber wherever he wanted, though it was not done in practice.123

   The simplest solution was for the king to buy forests in Catalonia. There would then be no risk of infringing political liberties and the king would get his timber. This was one of the means adopted. When in 1592 monks from the Carthusian monastery of Montalegre offered to sell the king their pine forest adjoining the town of Santa Perpetua, just three leagues from Barcelona, Alzatte responded with eagerness. He at once sought the king's permission to send experts to inspect the forest; if the timber was as abundant and good as alleged, it should be bought to cut costs and avoid harassment of other vassals.124 Soon after this there was considerable excitement over the discovery of a forest in Rossello, hardly close to Barcelona, but reported to have an extraordinary abundance of pine and oak, both of which were needed to build galleys, and also beech for oars. Experts were sent to inspect and samples brought to Barcelona. The timber was tasted; its bitterness was supposed to signify perfection. Experienced captains of the squadrons of Spain and Naples agreed that the timber samples were of the highest quality.125 Philip II was delighted and in 1594 he purchased the forest for 400 ducats. But it proved disappointing. After exploiting its beeches for oars for a decade, the stock - an exaggerated estimate - ran out. The site was leased and then given to a royal inspector of the soldiery of Catalonia as part compensation for unpaid salary, on condition that he conserved the forest and that the king could take timber in the future at a just price. The subsequent failure of the owner to observe these conditions - he permitted depletion of the forest for charcoal-making - resulted in its confiscation by the crown and a repeated sale with the same conditions.126

   Later, in the 1620s, the then superintendent of the atarazanas, Bernardino de Marimon, could see no future for galley building in Catalonia unless the king took immediate action to negotiate the purchase of private pine forests. The viceroy had sent him to survey forests to the north of Barcelona. Reporting on existing mature stocks and what would be ready in up to forty years' time, he expressed shock at how little was available in the few forests belonging to the king: only enough to build fourteen galleys. He warned that unless there were immediate purchases of forests and conservation enforced, galley building at Barcelona would cease within twenty years. If the owners would not sell their land they might at least agree to sell their trees. But that had difficulties. As Marimon said, for a tree the king's galley establishment 'pays only two and a half reales, whereas private persons pay thirty to forty reales'. He thought the only way was to give owners of trees advance payment to conserve them until they were needed for galleys. More forceful measures to secure timber were ruled out because 'the Constitucions of this principality prevent them'.127

pp. 97-98

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   The superintendent of the atarazanas later tried unsuccessfully to secure the withdrawal of privileges from the familiars of the Inquisition in Catalonia. These were lay servants of the Inquisition whose privileges included exemption from the felling of trees on their estates and from the imposed lodging of woodcutters employed by Barcelona's arsenal. Marimón said these men were amongst 'the richest and most powerful' and it was not right that they should be excused from contributing to the production of galley squadrons dedicated to the defence of the faith. The petition went to the Junta de Galeras, then presided over by the Inquisitor-General who duly rejected it. And Philip IV agreed that 'custom is to be maintained , not permitting their trees to be cut down by others'.135

   With the failure of purchases of private land and trees to supply adequate timber for building galleys, the creation of plantations had to be reconsidered. Plantations had been formed in Catalonia in the 1570s and a superintendent appointed, but the effort had not been sustained.136 When in 1621 the Council of War asked for a report on plantations in the principality it was learned that over the previous thirteen years nothing nothing more than 1,500 poplars had been planted on the banks of a river a league from Barcelona. Poplars were a subsidiary material for galley building, used for the rails and some of the planking. The reason for this trifling result was said to be that 'the landowners could not be compelled to plant'.137 Pedro de Montagut, appointed superintendent of forests and plantations in 1606, had been instructed 'to persuade the landowners to plant, without harassing them because this is voluntary'. As in Castile he was required to inspect forestsand plantations every year.

   In the 1620s and 30s the pressure on Catalans to plant trees was increased as the king's officials at the atarazanas reported increasing difficulties in securing timber. The pine forest in the sierra of Montseny, for years the source of supply of masts for galleys, was declared exhausted.139 And soon after the outbreak of war with France, large quantities of timber began to be taken by the army, from the very forests used by the galley establishment, to build bridges and make gun carriages. Marimon called for prior consultation to allow him to reserve the trees that were most useful for building galleys.140 But it was the unauthorized felling of trees in the few forests belonging to the king that led to the introduction of tougher regulations for conservation in Catalonia. An inspection of the king's forests around the port of Tortosa brought the shocking discovery that timber resources, essential for supplying scarce curved pieces for the hulls of galleys and large beams for their launching, had been severely depleted.141 Some of the timber was being exported to Seville, Valencia and even, it was discovered, to the enemy pirate base of Algiers. Much of the timber taken was destroyed to extract and export pitch and tar, essential naval stores for preserving rigging and for caulking the seams of wooden ships. Pines contained the resin from which the tar was was produced as a residue of a process of destructive distillation of the timber. The report criticized the superintendent of forests for not reporting the damage. Much of the blame was attributed to the Batlle General, the official responsible for judicial and economic affairs relating to the king's patrimony in Catalonia. He had issued numerous licences to cut timber, collecting duty for the crown but oblivious to the consequences for conservation. The bishop-viceroy called for a series of stringent measures to prevent a recurrence of this 'devastation'. He recommended, and the Junta de Galeras supported,142 several measures: prohibition of the unauthorized manufacture and export of pitch and tar in Catalonia; prohibition of the export of curvas; prosecution of those who had depleted Tortosa's forests; and the introduction of restrictions on the Batlle General's freedom to issue licences for timber extraction. The viceroy's communication presented these proposals as 'preventative remedies for the conservation of the timber remains... And it could well be that, perceiving this diligence, the provincials will be encouraged to plant trees... since without any other effort they could profit from what would otherwise remain useless and barren regions.'

  There is no record of the immediate implementation of these proposals. But ten years later they were proclaimed by another viceroy throughout Catalonia and the counties of Rossello and Cerdanya. Severe penalties were prescribed for contravention: five years' exile for unauthorized cutting of timber in Tortosa and other named forests; three years on the galleys for sawing timber there; thirty days' imprisonment and fines for removing signs put on trees by the officials of the king's galley-works, or for cutting those trees alleging that they were growing on their own estates; five years' exile for operating a furnace to make pitch or tar in the region of Tortosa. All licences for exporting timber, pitch and tar were annulled and future permits made subject to the viceroy's authorization. Veguers, the royal officials in Catalonia's seventeen administrative districts, were now ordered to send annual reports of plantings to the superintendent of the seventeen administrative districts, were now ordered to send annual reports of plantings to the superintendent of the galley-works at Barcelona.143

   How could such a forceful display of royal power be risked in Catalonia? In part because the viceroy, the count of Santa Coloma, had a history of currying favour with Madrid to win favour and prestige for his family. But some of these stringent conservation measures were compatible with the principality's Constitucions. It would have been more prudent for the count to have made that explicit. Although, since the thirteenth century, the Constitucions guaranteed freedom of trade, this was qualified by a statute prohibiting the export of timber, pitch and tar. And a subsequent statute, enacted by Catalonia's Corts in 1547, expressed this prohibition in terms of conserving timber for galley building in Barcelona. The importance of executing Santa Coloma's proclamations, and all other concern over Catalonia's forests, soon evaporated with the events of 1640: his assassination and the outbreak of rebellion.

 

(Map 6. The timber crisis in Catalonia.  p. 103)

pp. 101-104

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p. 132
   How different things might have been with sufficient craftsmen and funds is apparent from the size of some of the Monarchy's shipyards. Zorroza in the 1590s had a workforce of 400. A visitor in the 1620s observed that it had the capacity to build twenty ships simultaneously.111 Lezo had by the 1630s grown into a permanent walled installation with capacious warehouses and 'many facilities for construction', but it was destroyed in the French invasion of 1638,112 and never re-established. Of the royal galley arsenals - there were three: Barcelona, Naples and Messina - the greatest capacity was at Naples. In 1609 it was said to permit simultaneous construction of six galleys and four larger oared vessels, galleasses. Its teeming labour force once consisted of 300 caulkers and carpenters, and 300 boy apprentices. But for two years that arsenal had been closed because the king had failed to pay wages; the men had left to become fishermen, 'the boys have become rogues'.113 Barcelona's late-medieval atarazanas was a walled enclosure with arcades and bays. In 1609 the Viceroy of Catalonia reported that there were eight capacious bays, in each of which one galley could be built every year, but that actual annual production could never exceed six galleys because of the shortage of craftsmen.114

   The record of output at Barcelona is one of sharp decline. In the period April 1587 - December 1588 fourteen galleys were built and launched.115 The same number were built in October 1607 - September 1617, an enormous drop in annual production, attributed by the superintendent to starvation of funds.116

   By the early 1620s ministers in Madrid accepted that the norm could not exceed two galleys a year; soon Marimon was telling them that only one was possible.117 Just how poor this output really was can be judged by comparisons with arsenals...

 .. So it was decided in Madrid not only to do this at the king's expense but to place the arms of Castile over the entrance, an act that fired the Diputats, deputies entrusted with the defence of Catalan liberties, to stir up 'great disputes'.119

   Four years later they were threatening to disrupt production at the arsenal, because Philip IV had still not attended the Corts...

p. 133

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194
   Recruiting in Spain was distinguished by the constraints of varying political conditions within the peninsula, conditions far more diverse than what existed in England, France or the United Provinces. Catalonia's Constitucions prohibited compulsory naval or military service beyond its borders. The king of Spain could only have volunteers. Philip II's last viceroy was optimistic that many Catalans would come forward: 'They are naturally inclined to the sea, and histories tell how great armadas sailed from Catalonia to achieve great victories for the kings of Aragon.'77 But this forecast proved inaccurate over the next two reigns. In the 1620s the contract with the Judices to form a squadron of the fleet on the coast of Catalonia was specifically intended to relieve the heavy burden of levies on the north coast. But it soon became clear there would be no rush of Catalans to man the squadron.78

p. 194


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...  Catalonia's Constitucions prohibited..
See also:

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English_expedition_to_Portugal_(1662%E2%80%931668)

• SOBERÓN, M., Pujol, M., LLERGO, Y., RIERA, S., JULIÁ, R. and DOMÍNGUEZ-DELMÁS, M. (2012) –“El Barceloneta I. Una embarcación medieval a tingladillo en Barcelona”, Itsas Memoria. Revista de Estudios Marítimos del País Vasco, 7, Untzi Museoa-Museo Naval, Donostia-San Sebastián, pp. 411-422. https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Santiago_Riera/publication/258358719_El_Barceloneta_I_Una_embarcacion_medieval_a_tingladillo_en_Barcelona/links/00b7d5280ded1f11d3000000/El-Barceloneta-I-Una-embarcacion-medieval-a-tingladillo-en-Barcelona.pdf

• Keeping Spain Afloat: State Forestry and Imperial Defense in the ... https://academic.oup.com/envhis/article/17/1/116/423962, by JT Wing - ‎2012.

Dietaris de la Generalitat de Catalunya: Anys 1674 a 1689

https://books.google.es/books?isbn=8439362404

Dietaris de la Generalitat de Catalunya: Anys 1644 a 1656

https://books.google.es/books?isbn=8439350589

NAZIS IN SPAIN
https://archive.org/stream/THEFACTUALLISTOFNAZISPROTECTEDBYSPAIN/THE+FACTUAL+LIST+OF+NAZIS+PROTECTED+BY+SPAIN_djvu.txt