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24 de set. 2015

La dignité de la Catalogne

À la veille des élections qui se tiendront en Catalogne le prochain dimanche 27, il n'est pas sans intérêt de rappeler l'éditorial commun qui a été publié -rédigé par consensus- par les douze quotidiens catalans avec siège en Catalogne, sauf El País, aussi bien en catalan [1] qu'en castillan [2] il y aura bientôt six ans le 26 novembre 2009. L'éditorial mettait en lumière que le Statut d'Autonomie de Catalogne, approuvé par le Parlement de Catalogne en 2006, était le seul à avoir été attaqué par le Partido Popular (PP) qui en avait saisi la Cour constitutionnelle espagnole, où il était en suspens depuis plus de trois ans sans qu'aucun arrêt n'eût été prononcé à son égard...[3] De notre perspective actuelle, on dirait que la Cour constitutionnelle a pris cet éditorial comme une menace et en conséquence a prononcé l'arrêt qui s'est avéré le déclencheur du processus en cours. Affaire à suivre...





26/11/09 00:00 -  
ÉDITORIAL

Après quasiment trois ans de lente délibération et de manœuvres tactiques sans cesse qui ont malmené sa cohésion et ont érodé son prestige, la Cour constitutionnelle peut être sur le point d’émettre un arrêt sur le Statut de Catalogne, promulgué le 20 juillet 2006 par le chef de l’État, le roi Juan Carlos, dont voici l'avant-propos : « Sachez : que les Cortes Generales [4] ont approuvé, les citoyens de Catalogne ont ratifié en référendum et moi je viens sanctionner la loi fondamentale suivante ». Ce sera la première fois depuis la restauration démocratique de 1977 que la haute cour se prononce sur une loi fondamentale ratifiée par les électeurs. L’attente est élevée.

L’attente est élevée et l'inquiétude n'est pas faible devant l’évidence que la Cour constitutionnelle a été poussée par les événements à agir en tant que quatrième chambre, confrontée avec le Parlement de Catalogne, les Cortes Generales et la volonté citoyenne librement exprimée dans les urnes.

Rappelons-le, il s'agit d’une situation inédite en démocratie. Il y a, cependant, davantage de motifs de souci. Des douze magistrats que composent la cour, seuls dix pourront émette l'arrêt car un (Pablo Pérez Tremps) a été récusé suite à une trouble manœuvre clairement orientée à modifier les équilibres du débat, et un autre (Roberto García-Calvo) est mort. Des dix juges avec droit de vote, quatre restent en poste même si leur mandat est venu à échéance, suite au sordide désaccord entre le gouvernement central et l’opposition sur le renouvellement d’un organisme récemment défini par José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero comme le « cœur de la démocratie ». Un cœur avec les valves obturées, car seuls la moitié de ses membres sont aujourd’hui libres d'empêchements ou de reconduction. Voilà la cour de cassation qui se trouve sur le point de statuer sur le Statut de Catalogne. Par respect pour la cour –un respect sans doute supérieur à celui qu'elle s'est montré elle-même à plusieurs reprises– nous ne ferons plus d'allusion aux causes du retard dans l'arrêt.

La définition de la Catalogne en tant que nation dans le préambule du Statut, avec l'émanation résultante des « symboles nationaux » (par hasard la Constitution ne reconnaît-elle, dans son article 2, une Espagne composée de régions et de nationalités ?); le droit et le devoir de connaître la langue catalane ; l’articulation du Pouvoir judiciaire en Catalogne, et les relations entre l’État et la Generalitat [5], entre autres, voilà les points de friction les plus évidents du débat, d'après leurs versions respectives, puisqu'une partie significative de la Cour semble opter pour des positions irréductibles. Il en est des magistrats qui songent encore une fois à des chirurgies de fer coupant court ainsi à la complexité espagnole. Celle-ci pourrait se révéler, malheureusement, la pierre d'achoppement de l'arrêt
 



3 L’arrêt (http://www.tribunalconstitucional.es/es/jurisprudencia/Paginas/Sentencia.aspx?cod=16119) est intervenu au bout de sept mois plus tard.

4 Les Cortes Generales sont l'assemblée nationale espagnole.


5 La Generalitat est l'institution de gouvernement autonome de la Catalogne.

Mariano Rajoy, journaliste à la radio

Voilà la transcription d'une partie de l'interview à Mariano Rajoy diffusée en direct mardi 22 sur les antennes de la radio madrilène Onda Cero. À la veille des élections qui se tiendront en Catalogne le prochain dimanche 27, il n'est pas sans intérêt de constater que le discours de la peur bâti par le gouvernement espagnol contre le processus d'indépendance de la Catalogne a été dissipé par le président du gouvernement espagnol lui-même, qui a montré ne pas connaître que la Constitution ne le soutient pas dans sa prétention que les Catalans perdraient la nationalité espagnole si la Catalogne devient indépendante. En plus, sur le site d'Onda Cero on parle de « moments surréalistes » pendant l'interview. Affaire à suivre ?

Mariano Rajoy : Un Catalan est aujourd'hui Catalan, Espagnol et Européen. Mais ce que certains prétendent demander aux gens, c'est de renoncer à leur condition d'Espagnols et Européens. C'est une bêtise ! Et leurs droits en tant qu'Espagnols et Européens, pourquoi doivent-ils les perdre ? Ceci va à l'encontre du signe des temps. Et bien ! Voilà donc ce que nous essayons de défendre, nous...
Carlos Alsina : Mais la nationalité espagnole ils ne la perdraient pas -tant que nous sommes en train de parler de ce scénario que serait l'indépendance de la Catalogne- la nationalité espagnole ils ne la perdraient pas, les citoyens de Catalogne.
R : Ah! Je ne sais pas, c'est à dire, pourquoi ne la perdraient-ils pas ? et l'européenne non plus ?
A : Parce que la loi dit que le citoyen né en Espagne ne perd pas la nationalité, même en résidant dans un pays étranger, s'il manifeste sa volonté de la garder.
R : Euh... et l'européenne ?
A : Et l'européenne il la détient parce qu'il a la nationalité espagnole.
R : Il me semble que nous sommes dans une digression qui ne mène nulle part...

Traduit du catalan par Miquel-Àngel Sànchez i Fèrriz <masferriz@masf.cat>

6 de set. 2015

Orwell

I remember saying once to Arthur Koestler, ‘History stopped in 1936’, at which he nodded in immediate understanding. We were both thinking of totalitarianism in general, but more particularly of the Spanish civil war. Early in life I have noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain, for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed. I saw troops who had fought bravely denounced as cowards and traitors, and others who had never seen a shot fired hailed as the heroes of imaginary victories; and I saw newspapers in London retailing these lies and eager intellectuals building emotional superstructures over events that had never happened. I saw, in fact, history being written not in terms of what happened but of what ought to have happened according to various ‘party lines’. Yet in a way, horrible as all this was, it was unimportant. It concerned secondary issues — namely, the struggle for power between the Comintern and the Spanish left-wing parties, and the efforts of the Russian Government to prevent revolution in Spain. But the broad picture of the war which the Spanish Government presented to the world was not untruthful. The main issues were what it said they were. But as for the Fascists and their backers, how could they come even as near to the truth as that? How could they possibly mention their real aims? Their version of the war was pure fantasy, and in the circumstances it could not have been otherwise.

The only propaganda line open to the Nazis and Fascists was to represent themselves as Christian patriots saving Spain from a Russian dictatorship. This involved pretending that life in Government Spain was just one long massacre (vide the Catholic Herald or the Daily Mail — but these were child's play compared with the Continental Fascist press), and it involved immensely exaggerating the scale of Russian intervention. Out of the huge pyramid of lies which the Catholic and reactionary press all over the world built up, let me take just one point — the presence in Spain of a Russian army. Devout Franco partisans all believed in this; estimates of its strength went as high as half a million. Now, there was no Russian army in Spain. There may have been a handful of airmen and other technicians, a few hundred at the most, but an army there was not. Some thousands of foreigners who fought in Spain, not to mention millions of Spaniards, were witnesses of this. Well, their testimony made no impression at all upon the Franco propagandists, not one of whom had set foot in Government Spain. Simultaneously these people refused utterly to admit the fact of German or Italian intervention at the same time as the Germany and Italian press were openly boasting about the exploits of their’ legionaries’. I have chosen to mention only one point, but in fact the whole of Fascist propaganda about the war was on this level.

This kind of thing is frightening to me, because it often gives me the feeling that the very concept of objective truth is fading out of the world. After all, the chances are that those lies, or at any rate similar lies, will pass into history.

From George Orwell, Looking back on the Spanish War.

http://orwell.ru/library/essays/Spanish_War/english/esw_1

2 de set. 2015

Comments on "Catalonia's regional elections: scenarios for independence " by Fernando Betancor

Let me recommend the following article by a US political analyst resident in Madrid, Fernando Betancor.

https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/fernando-betancor/catalonias-regional-elections-scenarios-for-independence

I have differences with the descriptive contents which I shall refer to when I get a moment. For the time being I shall only highlight the rock-bottom credit of the firm responsible for the "poll" he quotes. Others doubt that it even exists, and that its "data" are in any way real.

17 d’ag. 2015

Recital de cançó catalana del segle XX

Le escribo a petición de Carlos Aransay, director artístico del Festival de Canción Española y Zarzuela de Londres.

La programación de esta segunda edición del festival incluye un recital centrado en la canción catalana del siglo XX. A continuación le comunico toda la información acerca de dicho recital:

Lugar, fecha y hora:
Regent Hall, 275 Oxford St, London W1C 2DJ (parada de metro: Oxford Circus)
Viernes 25 de septiembre 2015 a las 13h00
Entrada gratuita

Intérpretes:
Josep-Ramon Olivé Soler, barítono
Maria Mauri Fàbregas, piano

Programa:

CASALS, Pau 
- Lo Blat és segat  
- Silenci 

GERHARD, Robert 
- Sis cançons tradicionals catalanes 
 La calàndria 
 La mort i la donzella 
 El petit vailet 
 El cotiló 
 Enemic de les dones 
 Els ballaires dins un sac 

PAHISSA, Jaume 
- 3 balades 
 El vent de la tardor 
 En somnis 
 Liliana 

MORERA, Enric 
- L'oreneta 
- Abril 

LAMOTE DE GRIGNON, Ricard 
- A dues violes marcides  
- Cant espiritual 
- Cançó del capvespre 

TOLDRÀ, Eduard 
- Romanç de Santa Llúcia 
- Cançó de vela 
- Camins de fada 

Un cordial saludo,
Ricardo Gosalbo

17 de jul. 2015

Pensamiento Único

Me molesta mucho que un medio de comunicación audiovisual, que ocupa espacio público a cambio de un compromiso de pluralidad política y cultural, sea poco más que la correa de transmisión del poder. 

Para leer el resto, clicar en "Més informació" debajo.

3 de jul. 2015

"Catalonia's self-determination process: a bottom-up movement?"


Public lecture delivered at the Centre Català de Luxemburg, Luxembourg, July 7th 2015.
88, rue de la Semois.

First of all I am most grateful to the Luxembourg delegation of the Catalan National Assembly, an NGO to which I will devote much of my talk, for this invitation to speak to you this evening. Secondly, I should like to thank the Centre Català de Luxemburg for hosting the event. 

To read the rest of this paper, please click on "Més informació" below.

19 de juny 2015

Letter to X

Dear X,
Thank you for writing to me to ask for Catalan objects for the new Museum of European History that the European Parliament is promoting.
I haven't been able to find the article you refer to, but I have visited their website.

To read the rest of this letter, please click below, on "Més informació"

Catalanofòbia III. 2014-2016

[--> entrada anterior]

Per llegir els exemples 201-254, cliqueu a sota, a "Més informació"
Para leer los ejemplos 201-254, clicar debajo, en "Més informació"
To read examples 201-254, click below, on "Més informació"

17 de juny 2015

Catalanofòbia II. 2013

The second list of anti-Catalan statements by Spanish opinion leaders, military, columnists, politicians, etc. 2013.
Click here if need be to access the whole text

Catalanofòbia I. 2012

Aquest és la primera entrada d'una sèrie de frases catalanofòbiques dites o escrites per líders d'opinió, polítics i expolítics, periodistes. La meva intenció era traduir-les a l'anglès, però no m'hi he vist amb cor. Moltes són tretes de la sèrie de Twitter, @heroisindepes.


Per llegir els primer 100 exemples, cliqueu a sota, a "Més informació"
Para leer los primeros ejemplos, clicar debajo, en "Més informació"
To read the first hundred examples, click below, on "Més informació" 

16 de juny 2015

Vous avez le droit de siffler

Une semaine avant de gagner la coupe européenne des clubs de football, le Futbol Club Barcelona avait aussi remporté la coupe espagnole des clubs, « la Coupe du Roi », devant l'Athletic Club de Bilbao au Camp Nou, son propre stade, le Real Madrid ayant refusé de céder ses installations pour éviter la photo d'un Barça vainqueur sur sol madrilène... Préalablement au match, l'entrée du roi sur la tribune avait été accompagnée d'une huée monumentale au son de sifflets qui est déjà devenue une tradition pour les supporteurs respectifs basques et catalans lors des dernières finales dont les protagonistes ont été précisément ces deux équipes. À ce sujet, le journaliste catalan d'origine anglaise Matthew Tree a publié cet article dans le quotidien El Punt Avui (http://www.elpuntavui.cat/noticia/article/7-vista/8-articles/863576-ja-pots-xiular.html) le 7 juin. Il y fait quelques considérations à propos de la réaction (jugez-en de par ses commentaires) de la Commission interministérielle espagnole contre la violence et la xénophobie ainsi que des médias madrilènes.

Pour lire le reste du texte, tappez au dessous, sur "Més informació"
 

13 de juny 2015

Justice sur mesure

Me. Santiago Vidal, juge auprès de la Cour supérieure de Justice de Catalogne, a été suspendu dans ses fonctions par le Conseil général du Pouvoir judiciaire (CGPJ) espagnol pour avoir participé dans son temps libre à la rédaction d'un modèle de future Constitution catalane. À ce sujet, l'historien Antoni Segura a publié cet article dans le quotidien El Punt Avui (http://m.elpuntavui.cat/noticia/article/7-vista/8-articles/829549-justicia-a-mida.html) que voici traduit. Il y évoque la discrimination dont Me Vidal a fait l'objet pour le fait d'être Catalan.


Pour lire le reste du texte, tappez au dessous, sur "Més informació"
 

11 de març 2015

In reply to an article by Stephen Burgen

In reply to http://m.scotsman.com/news/world/backing-for-a-separate-catalan-state-fades-1-3712537#comments-area.


mstrubell

I am dismayed by some inexact claims in this article.

* "EXACTLY a year ago an opinion poll carried out by the Catalan government showed 60 per cent in favour of independence". No sample has EVER shown such high level of support (and quite honestly, little or no credence should be given to any polls until after the next election!).

To read the rest of this letter, please click below, on "Més informació"

10 de març 2015

Barcelona and "The Finest Hour"

Winston Churchill, House of Commons, June 18 1940
http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1940/jun/18/war-situation (Diari de Sessions)

"...It is true that their bomber force is superior in numbers to ours, but we have a very large bomber force also which we shall use to strike at military targets in Germany without intermission. I do not at all underrate the severity of the ordeal which lies before us, but I believe our countrymen will show themselves capable of standing up to it, like the brave men of Barcelona, and will be able to stand up to it, and carry on in spite of ...

To read the rest of this post, please click below on "Més informació"

27 de febr. 2015

Els textos sobre les consultes populars a Catalunya

Aquí hi ha una selecció dels extractes dels textos que considerem més rellevants. Aviseu-nos si n'hi ha més!

Cliqueu a sota, a "Més informació" per llegir el contingut d'aquest post

14 de gen. 2015

English Radio (106.9 FM)

Just like Simon Harris, I have been kindly invited by Virgil Simons and Anna Requa to take part (for the second week running!) in English Radio, a programme broadcast on Ràdio Kanal Barcelona (106.9) every Thursday from 9 am to 10 am. Last week's programme was fun, on the prospects for Catalonia's independence, and Virgil and Anne have suggested we cover the following the following six topics this week. An ambitious task indeed, to deal with in just an hour.

Click below on "Més informació" to read this paper.

21 de nov. 2014

The Case for Catalonia's Independence

I welcome this opportunity to discuss with you the main reasons why the independence option has overtaken the classic pro-federal model that for many years had appealed to many Catalans (as a way of indicating their dissatisfaction at the state of affairs). Thank you Dr. Dowling for your invitation, and also Dra. Susana Beltrán for sharing the floor. Playing in a «neutral» venue makes it easier to keep the debate at an academic level and style: back home debates like this one can easily get quite heated!

To read the whole paper, please click below on "Més informació" 

11 de nov. 2014

Denunciation by the Elected Representatives of the Catalan People before the United Nations, the European Parliament, the European Commission, the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe


We the undersigned holders of elected offices, who represent a significant majority of the citizens of Catalonia in the Parliament of Catalonia, in the European Parliament, in the Spanish Parliament, and in the municipal governments of Catalonia, address ourselves to the United Nations, the European Parliament, the Council of Europe, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), to denounce the Spanish state for violating the right of the Catalan people to decide their political future by preventing the exercise of democracy through a referendum or internationally recognized vote.

1. For reasons of democratic legitimacy, the people of Catalonia possess political and legal sovereignty, and therefore recognize their own right to decide their political future for the following reasons:

    a) The people of Catalonia, throughout their history, have demonstrated and exercised democratically their will to govern themselves, with the aim of furthering the progress, well-being and equality of opportunity of all citizens, and of reinforcing their own culture and collective identity.

    b) Self-government in Catalonia is also based on the historic rights of the Catalan people, on their centuries-old institutions of government, and on Catalan legal tradition.

    c) In recent years, in the interest of greater democracy, a majority of Catalan political and social forces have undertaken measures to transform the current political and legal framework. The most recent of these measures was the reform of the Catalan Statute of Autonomy approved by the Catalan Parliament in September 2005 and subsequently debated, modified and approved by the Spanish Parliament, and finally approved by the citizens of Catalonia in a referendum held in June 2006. Four years later, the Spanish Constitutional Court altered it substantially, contravening the will of the people. In so doing, the Court made evident its partisanship, acting as though it were a parliamentary body and thus violating one of the fundamental principles of democracy: the separation of powers and the independence of the branches of government.

    d) Since that time, Catalonia has been governed under a Statute of Autonomy that is not the one approved by its citizens. On 10 July 2010, Barcelona was the scene of a demonstration that brought together more than a million citizens protesting the ruling of the Constitutional Court.

2. Since then, the Catalan people, either directly or through their political representatives, have repeatedly expressed their wish to decide their political future:

    a) On September 11 2012, Catalonia’s national day, the central streets of Barcelona saw the largest demonstration in the history of Catalonia. Its theme was “Catalonia: a new European state.” On the same date in the following two years, the citizens of Catalonia continued to demonstrate their capacity for organization and mobilization with the Catalan Way of 2013, an unbroken 400-kilometer human chain the length of the country; and in 2014 by filling the two main arteries of the capital with a human mosaic of the Catalan national flag stretching for 11 kilometers in the shape of a V.

    b) On November 25 2012, elections to the Parliament of Catalonia produced an unequivocal mandate: the exercise of the right to decide Catalonia’s political future. The will of the Parliament of Catalonia is expressed in the “Declaration of Sovereignty and the Right to Decide of the People of Catalonia”, approved in January 2013 with the support of more than two thirds of the members of Parliament. The Spanish government appealed this declaration to the Constitutional Court, which partially annulled it.

    c) During the month of September 2014, 96% of the 974 municipal governments of Catalonia approved, in plenary session, declarations of support for the Parliament and the Government of Catalonia to hold a nonbinding referendum on 9 November 2014.

3. The Catalan Parliament and the Government of Catalonia have followed all necessary steps for fulfilling the democratic mandate that emerged from the elections of November 25 2012, and have assiduously followed, at every stage of the process, the principles of democratic legitimacy, dialogue, negotiation, legality, and social cohesion, as set forth in the Declaration of Sovereignty:

    a) In December 2013, the political forces favorable to the exercise of the right to decide agreed on the date of November 9 to hold a referendum, and on the question to be voted on by citizens.

    b) In April 2014, a delegation of MPs nominated by the Parliament of Catalonia approached the Spanish Parliament with a request for transfer of the authority to hold a referendum on the political future of Catalonia. The Spanish Parliament denied this request.

c) In September 2014, the Parliament of Catalonia approved by a wide margin a law governing nonbinding referenda. Within this legal framework, the President of the Generalitat signed the decree convoking the nonbinding referendum of November 9. The Spanish government appealed both the law and the decree to the Constitutional Court. The Court agreed to both appeals, and suspended both the law and the decree pending deliberation on their constitutionality.

d) Because it was no longer possible to vote on November 9 in accordance with the Law of Nonbinding Referenda, a process of citizen participation was initiated so that citizens may express their opinions. The Spanish government also appealed this process to the Constitutional Court, which again acted in accordance with the government’s dictates and accepted the appeal.

4. The position of the Spanish government contravenes both international practice characteristic of plurinational democratic states and international law, for the following reasons:

    a) First, it is contrary to the opinion of the Supreme Court of Canada which, in its ruling of 20 August 1998, indicated that although the Canadian Constitution made no reference to the right to self-determination, the democratic principle that inspires it justified a referendum on this question, with the understanding that both interested parties agreed to peaceful negotiation of the consequences, even if the referendum resulted in a vote in favor of secession. These same principles led to the agreement between Great Britain and Scotland to hold a referendum on Scottish independence in September 2014.

    b) Second, it is contrary to the basic principles of the International Agreement on Political and Civil Rights. In its ruling of 22 July 2010, the International Court of Justice clarified the right of peoples to self-determination, concluding that international law contains no prohibition of this right. This decision has made it possible for peoples and political communities to choose their political future democratically in the 21st century through new practices of self-determination.

For these reasons, we put before the United Nations, the European Parliament, the European Commission, the Council of Europe, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe the following:

   1. That Catalan institutions of government, with the support of a majority of the citizens of Catalonia, have pursued all legal avenues in order to hold a referendum, binding or nonbinding, on Catalonia’s political future, including the possibility of independence.

   2. That there is on the part of the Spanish government a demonstrated lack of political will to engage in dialogue and negotiation, and a permanent refusal to make it possible for the Catalan people to exercise their right to decide.

   3. That the accumulation of difficulties imposed by the highest-level political and judicial institutions of the Spanish state, which have consistently rejected all proposals from Catalonia, is indicative of a political and democratic involution clearly intended to weaken Catalan self-government. This involution is clearly expressed in all policy areas: political, jurisdictional, financial, social, cultural, and linguistic.

   4. That we have a legitimate right to undertake all necessary political and legal actions that allow us to ascertain the majority will of the Catalan people regarding their political future and, subsequently, to act in accordance with this democratic mandate.

For all these reasons, in accordance with the democratic principles that inspire the United Nations Charter and subsequent international agreements and treaties guaranteeing the right of peoples to decide their political future, we appeal to the United Nations, to the European Parliament, to the European Commission, and to OSCE to take all necessary actions to guarantee that the citizens of Catalonia are able to decide their future democratically.

Barcelona, 5 November 2014