Manifiesto: La banalización de los delitos de rebelión y sedición

El novembre de 2018 es va publicar un important Manifest criticant durament l'actuació de la Fiscalia de l'Estat i l'Advocacia de l'Estat, pel que fa a les seves posicions davant el judici -viciat de nul·litat- al Tribunal Suprem.
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17A PER ACABAR

https://www.vilaweb.cat/noticies/17-a-els-dies-que-van-posar-espanya-en-alerta/


On August 17, 2017 and the following days, Spain saw the snake's fangs of the Catalan independent state, because the wolf was really real

16.08.2019 21:50

Vicent Partal

A prior issue about the controversy created by some media close to the Spanish government on a supposed conspiratorial treatment of the events of August 17, 2017 in Barcelona and Cambrils. Let's clarify: this sort of thing is not resolved by newspapers, but by irrefutable official investigations and the unlimited release of confidential information held by all the authorities. After acknowledging that the Ripoll imam had relations with the CNI, Spain should have allowed the parliaments to access all possible and necessary documentation and, instead, it reacted by denying, thanks t the parties of the Regime, investigative commissions that are relevant in cases such as this and that are common throughout the world when there are attacks of this magnitude. Given this very serious action, which only a will to cover up can explain, no accusation that can be made precisely against those who demand the clarification of the facts can be at all credible. And it does not deserve a single line more of discussion.

Now to the nitty-gritty.

There is one thing about the events of 17August  that is not substantial but that had a great influence later on, yet it has not been sufficiently highlighted. That's why I would like to focus my comment on it today, exactly two years after the attacks.
 I am talking about the absolute control of the territory and of the institutions that the Generalitat de Catalunya had between the 17th and 19th of August 2017, a State-style control that made the Principality act as a completely independent state on those two days. I am convinced that this fact triggered all the alarms in Madrid and that it set off repression as of September 20 and the action on October 1. Rajoy could have chosen to ignore them, as he did with the 9 November 2014 vote, but this time he opted for a violent confrontation. I think one of the reasons was what he saw immediately after the attacks.

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I think that everyone has in mind the extreme coordination and capacity of the mechanism of reaction to the attack. All public services worked in a synchronized manner, despite being in full swing. The Mossos deployed for the first time - and this is not an anecdote - the Cronos plan, designed to take full control of the territory. The hospitals and all the health services coordinated with great efficiency. Public transportation throughout the country was coordinated, and especially in the metropolitan area. In all public media, an information system was established, and the fight against misinformation, which was later internationally highlighted as an exemplar. The government of Catalonia turned its face from the first minute and generated a climate of confidence with the interventions of President Puigdemont, of the advisors Forn, Comín and Romeva and the major Trapero. And, of course, it was quickly investigated who the authors were, who were persecuted at a great rate - the famous fifty hours - to eradicate the threat of new attacks, in a way that, although controversial and arguable (it was necessary to kill them all?), no one can describe either slow or ineffective.

The absence, in all this, of the Spanish government was clamorous. He did not paint anything. International media only had reference to the Catalan government and the 'Catalan ministers' that appeared now and there to give explanations. Rajoy took seven hours to come to Barcelona and did not know what to do. He agreed to appear at the Department of the Interior and not to the delegation of his government at an event organized by the Generalitat, after a lecture with the logo of the four bars, which broke the whole protocol. And two specific moments, which everyone should remember, seems to trigger all the alarms at the Moncloa.

The first was when, on the 18th in the afternoon, the counselor Raül Romeva officially received the French and German Foreign Affairs Ministers, Jean-Yves Le Drian and Sigmar Gabriel, respectively, at the airport in Barcelona. The Generalitat organized the entire stay of the two ministers in Barcelona - in the case of Sigmar Gabriel with some complication that was able to be resolved sharply - and coordinated all the assistance to the tourists affected by the attack. Romeva even accompanied them to a meeting with the vice president of the Spanish government, Soraya Sáenz, who merely played a secondary role. Remember that at that time, Spain, a month and a half short before the referendum on self-determination, was damaging to avoid any contact between the Catalan government and those of the European Union. The efficiency and treatment of Councilor Romeva were recognized by their colleagues.

The second - and I believe the definitive - great moment of alarm came a few days later, specifically on August 26, as a result of the demonstration on the Passeig de Gràcia condemnation of the attacks. All the manoeuvres by Moncloa and Zarzuela to reconvert this manifestation failed and the act was a sign of the rejection of the country and the Catalan institutions of the king of Spain and of the cynicism of the state, while becoming at the same time a popular tribute for the Mossos d'Esquadra, who saw their vehicles flooded with flowers. This happened in an atmosphere that recalled quite unique historical episodes of complicity between the armed forces and the population.

It was that atmosphere and that reality that triggered subsequent violence against the referendum. Because if nobody doubted the preparation and the capacity of Catalonia to face the future all alone, at that time he obtained a good response. For a few hours and a few days Catalonia worked as a completely independent state, with all the attributes of a state, with an efficiency, coordination and capacity that impressed.

And a final comment. There is a famous discussion about whether everything was ready or not. For independence. The answer is on the 17-A. Nobody works, under that tension, as an independent state if he has not done the homework beforehand to do so. I understand that everything that happened from the first of October has given rise to criticism and doubts. But if you look at what happened after the attacks, some of the discussions that you still want to support do not seem very sensible. On 17 August and the following days, Spain saw the ears in the wolf of the Catalan independent state because the wolf was real. And that is why, and not the events of the first of October, that the body of Mossos d'Esquadra was crushed by 155. And for this reason, and not because of the events of the first of October, the Department of Foreign Affairs was demolished For that reason, the minister Forn and the greater Trapero are at the point of view of the regime, and not for the events of the first of October. That is why they want to weaken the Generalitat in all possible ways, and not by the first of October. And that is why the Puigdemont is the enemy to go down. Because it was the president who directed a government of the Generalitat who worked for a few days as a de facto State.

But, above all, from here comes the absolute urgency that has forced Spain to undress desperate before society and the world, taking on a brutally repressive, violent and undemocratic paper that no one, any state of the planet, it never assumes if it is not like a last resort, when it has no choice but to do it. Think about it ...

El 17 d'agost de 2017 i els dies següents, Espanya va veure les orelles al llop de l'estat independent català, perquè el llop era ben real

16.08.2019 21:50 
Vicent Partal

Una qüestió prèvia sobre la polèmica creada per alguns mitjans pròxims al govern espanyol sobre un presumpte enfocament conspirador dels fets del 17 d’agost de 2017 a Barcelona i Cambrils. Aclarim-nos: aquesta mena de coses no les resolen els diaris, sinó les investigacions oficials irrefutables i l’obertura sense reserves de la informació confidencial en poder de totes les autoritats. Després d’haver reconegut que l’imam de Ripoll tenia relacions amb el CNI, l’estat espanyol hauria hagut de permetre l’accés dels parlaments a tota la documentació possible i necessària i, en canvi, va reaccionar-hi denegant, mitjançant els partits del règim, les comissions d’investigacions que són pertinents en un cas com aquest i que a tot el món són habituals quan hi ha atemptats d’aquesta magnitud. A partir d’aquesta gravíssima actuació, que tan sols pot explicar una voluntat encobridora, cap acusació que es puga fer precisament contra els qui reclamem l’esclariment dels fets no té gens de credibilitat. I no mereix ni una ratlla més de discussió.

Ara, al gra.

Hi ha una cosa dels fets del 17-A que no és substancial però que va tenir una gran influència posterior i que, tanmateix, no ha estat prou remarcada. Per això m’agradaria centrar-hi el meu comentari, avui que fa dos anys dels atemptats.

Parle del control absolut del territori i de les institucions que la Generalitat de Catalunya va tenir entre el 17 i el 19 d’agost de 2017, un control de caràcter estatal que va fer que aquells dos dies el Principat actuàs com un estat completament independent. Estic convençut que aquest fet va disparar totes les alarmes a Madrid i que va precipitar la repressió a partir del 20 de setembre i l’actuació del primer d’octubre. Rajoy hauria pogut optar per desentendre-se’n, com va fer amb el 9-N, però aquesta vegada es decantà cap a l’enfrontament violent. Crec que una de les raons fou allò que observà immediatament després dels atemptats.

Pense que tothom té en el record l’extrema coordinació i capacitat del mecanisme de reacció a l’atemptat. Tots els serveis públics van funcionar d’una manera sincronitzada, malgrat estar en plenes vacances. Els Mossos varen desplegar per primera volta –i això no és cap anècdota– el pla Cronos, destinat a prendre el control complet del territori. Els hospitals i tots els serveis sanitaris es van coordinar amb una gran eficàcia.  Es va coordinar el transport públic a tot el país, i sobretot a l’àrea metropolitana. A tots els mitjans públics, s’hi va establir un sistema d’informació, i de combat contra la desinformació, que més endavant fou destacat internacionalment com a exemplar. El govern de Catalunya va donar la cara des del primer minut i generà un clima de confiança amb les intervencions del president Puigdemont, dels consellers Forn, Comín i Romeva i del major Trapero. I, evidentment, es va investigar ràpidament qui eren els autors, que foren perseguits amb una gran velocitat –les famoses cinquanta hores– per eradicar l’amenaça de nous atacs, d’una manera que, si bé és polèmica i discutible (era necessari matar-los tots?), ningú no pot qualificar ni de lenta ni d’ineficaç.

L’absència, en tot això, del govern espanyol va ser clamorosa. No hi pintava res. Els mitjans internacionals tan sols tenien de referència el govern català i els ‘Catalan ministers’ que apareixien ara i adés per a donar explicacions. Rajoy va trigar set hores a venir a Barcelona i no sabia què fer. Va acceptar de comparèixer al Departament d’Interior i no a la delegació del seu govern en un acte organitzat per la Generalitat, rere un faristol amb el logotip de les quatre barres, cosa que trencava tot el protocol. I dos moments concrets, que tots deveu recordar, em sembla que van desencadenar totes les alarmes a la Moncloa.

El primer va ser quan, el dia 18 a la vesprada, el conseller Raül Romeva va rebre de manera oficial a l’aeroport de Barcelona els ministres d’Afers Estrangers francès i alemany, Jean-Yves Le Drian i Sigmar Gabriel, respectivament. La Generalitat va organitzar tota l’estada dels dos ministres a Barcelona –en el cas de Sigmar Gabriel amb alguna complicació que es va saber resoldre brillantment– i va coordinar tota l’assistència als turistes afectats per l’atemptat. Romeva fins i tot els va acompanyar a una reunió amb la vice-presidenta del govern espanyol, Soraya Sáenz, que es va limitar a fer un paper secundari. Recordeu que en aquell moment l’estat espanyol, un mes i mig escàs abans del referèndum d’autodeterminació, maldava per evitar qualsevol contacte del govern català amb els de la Unió Europea. L’eficàcia i el tracte del conseller Romeva van ser reconeguts pels seus col·legues.

El segon gran moment d’alarma, i jo crec que definitiu, arribà pocs dies més tard, concretament el 26 d’agost, a conseqüència de la manifestació al passeig de Gràcia de condemna dels atemptats. Totes les maniobres de la Moncloa i la Zarzuela per a reconvertir aquella manifestació van fracassar i l’acte fou una mostra del rebuig del país i de les institucions catalanes al rei d’Espanya i al cinisme de l’estat, alhora que esdevingué un homenatge popular als Mossos d’Esquadra, que varen veure els seus vehicles inundats de flors. En un ambient que recordava episodis històrics, molt únics, de complicitat entre forces armades i població.

Van ser aquell ambient i aquella realitat que desencadenaren la violència posterior contra el referèndum. Perquè si ningú dubtava de la preparació i la capacitat de Catalunya per a encarar el futur tota sola, en aquell moment va obtenir una bona resposta. Durant unes quantes hores i uns quants dies Catalunya funcionà com un estat completament independent, amb tots els atributs d’un estat, amb una eficàcia, una coordinació i una capacitat que impressionaven.

I un comentari final. Hi ha la famosa discussió sobre si tot era a punt o no. Per a la independència. La resposta està en el 17-A. ningú no funciona, sota aquella tensió, com un estat independent si abans no ha fet els deures per a ser-ho. Entenc que tot allò que va passar a partir del primer d'octubre haja suscitat critiques i dubtes. Però si mireu què va passar després dels atemptats, algunes de les discussions que segons qui continua volent sostenir no semblen gaire sensates. EI 17-A i els dies següents, Espanya va veure les orelles al llop de l'estat independent català perquè el llop era ben real. I és per això, i no els fets del primer d'octubre, que el cos de Mossos d'Esquadra fou trinxat pel 155. I per això, i no pels fets del primer d'octubre, el Departament d'Afers Exteriors va ser derruït. Per això el conseller Forn i el major Trapero són al punt de mira del règim, i no pels fets del primer d'octubre. Per això volen afeblir la Generalitat per totes les vies possible i no pel primer d'octubre. I per això el Puigdemont és l'enemic a abatre. Perquè fou el president que dirigí un govern de la Generalitat que durant uns quants dies va funcionar com un estat de fet.

Però, per damunt de tot, d’ací ve la urgència absoluta que ha obligat l’estat espanyol a despullar-se a la desesperada davant la societat i davant el món, assumint un paper brutalment repressor, violent i antidemocràtic que ningú, cap estat del planeta, no assumeix mai si no és com un últim recurs, quan no té cap més remei que fer-ho. Penseu-hi…

See alsoTwitter thread: https://twitter.com/rcallimachi/status/956231090007617537?s=20

Cataluña, una "sociedad enferma de pasado"

La suposada malaltia de Catalunya va ser exposada per Américo Castro, el 1954, i represa, sembla que per Jordi Canal, en un seminari al Club Siglo XXI de Madrid el 2014, i després atribuïda, entre altres cops, en una entrevista recollida per la FAES, a Ricardo García Cárcel, que cita Canal en un llibre.
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Forests in Catalonia and the king. 1600-1640

References to Catalonia in David Goodman (2003), Spanish Naval Power, 1589-1665: Reconstruction and Defeat.

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Spanish Naval Power, 1589-1665: Reconstruction and Defeat

Per David Goodman

2003
https://books.google.es/books?isbn=0521522579

26:
   Olivares' dismay intensified in 1640 with the outbreak of rebellions in Catalonia and Portugal. He could not survive this succession of disasters. In January 1643 he was removed and Philip IV proclaimed his intention to govern by himself. However, by degrees, Olivares' nephew, Luis Mendez de Haro, rose to the position of principal minister. There was no weakening in the importance attached to naval forces. Twenty years after Olivares' dismissal, the Council of War continued to advise Philip that 'dominion over the sea is what is most respected and feared'.72 

   In the 1640s, after the French invaded Catalonia in support of the rebels, the Mediterranean again became an important theatre for Spanish naval forces. Minorca became a base for the defence of Catalonia as well as for patrolling the approaches to Italy. Much of the naval action in the Mediterranean was indecisive.73 The French proved unable to overcome the Monarchy's still formidable naval forces. The civil war of the Fronde sapped French naval effort and contributed to the recapture of Barcelona in 1652, in which the assistance of Spanish vessels had been decisive.74 Political change elsewhere also explains the ineffectiveness of the French fleet. Peace had at last come with the Dutch, depriving the French of an ally in the struggle with Spain. ...

p. 26

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27:
   Cromwell and the Rump had introduced a massive shipbuilding programme to defend the regime against the Stuarts. By 1653 the English had 180 ships in service. To promote the Protestant cause, Cromwell turned against the old enemy, Spain, champion of the papal Antichrist.78 He devised an ambitious plan to destroy Spanish power in America and secure the silver for England. This was Cromwell's 'Western Design'. Like Hawkins and Drake in the previous century, Cromwell decided to attack Hispaniola, Spain's administrative centre of the Caribbean. In December 1654 a fleet of thirty-eight ships sailed from England with 3,000 soldiers and picked up thousands more in Barbados. The army, made up of inexperienced troops, landed on the island in April. Within a few weeks, disease and lack of food and water took their toll; morale was destroyed. No match for the Spanish defenders, the ragged army re-embarked and the undefended Jamaica was captured instead. The commander, William Penn, made no attempt to capture the silver fleet whose position he knew. In disgrace, he was sent to the Tower on his return. Like other English commanders before him, Cromwell had underestimated the difficulties of a campaign in the Caribbean.

   Cromwell turned instead to the peninsula, aiming to seize incoming Indies silver fleets. In September 1656 the English achieved what had been done only once in a hundred years of the Spanish convoy system: Blake captured a silver fleet off Cadiz. The following April he tried again in Tenerife. This time the treasure was saved. The Spanish unloaded it just in time and deposited it in the island's fortress. But their ships were destroyed in Blake's attack. Cromwell maintained a blockade of peninsular coasts and joined forces with Mazarin for operations against Spain. It was largely the intention of demolishing this Anglo- French alliance that drove Spain to a peace treaty with France in 1659, recovering Catalonia but conceding Rossello and Cerdanya. Cromwell's death in 1658 brought some respite from the onslaught, but there was no peace with England until after the Restoration.

   At peace with both France and England, and no longer preoccupied with Catalonia, Spain in the 1660s could concentrate on Portugal, which now became the focus of naval operations. Ever since the outbreak of the Portuguese rebellion, plans were devised to crush it by sending a strong armada. In 1641 the duke of Najera, captain-general of the Atlantic fleet, urged Philip IV that deployment of the fleet was indispensable 'to prevent enemies sending assistance to Portugal', and because the Portuguese rebels, seeing that Your Majesty is lord of the sea, will recognize that their betrayal is an evil act against God and Your Majesty, and they will seek to return to his favour or expect to receive the punishment they so richly deserve'.79 Others advised a blockade of the Tagus to starve Lisbon, combined operations in the Algarve, and sailings to Ceuta and Tangier to stifle rebellion in the African fortresses.80 These plans of the 1640s may have been modelled on Philip II's highly successful use of sea and land forces in his conquest of Portugal in 1580. The difference now was the powerful support of the revolt by the intervention at various times of the French, and especially the English and Dutch. Huge supplies of munitions shipped from Holland sustained the rebellion.81 Another difference from the conquest of difference of 1580 was that Madrid in 1640 was simultaneously facing a full-scale uprising on the other side of the peninsula in Catalonia. And from 1640 up to the Peace of the Pyrenees in 1659, Catalonia was given a far higher priority than Portugal. The 40s and 50s therefore saw little naval action in Portuguese waters. That changed after the recovery of Catalonia. Again the strategy was combined. Pascual de Bohorques, artillery commander of the army of Estremadura, presented an amphibious strategy: ships to land infantry at Setubal and Cascais, a blockade of the Tagus, and then an invasion of an army from Estremadura. The plan was meticulously worked out in minute detail, down to the quantities of needles and thread required for repairs to sail-cloth.82 The prime minister, Luis de Haro, said the army's campaign 'would fail if unsupported' by naval forces.83 And that was also Philip's view.84 The armada was seen as essential for diverting the Portuguese troops on the frontier of Estremadura, but the proposed blockade of the Tagus was inhibited by the treaty with the Dutch, which permitted them to supply Portugal with food and merchandise other than munitions.85 All planning assumed that 'without strong naval forces the total conquest of the kingdom of Portugal cannot be achieved'.86

   Dreams of total conquest soon turned into total defeat for Spain's armies and the humiliating recognition in 1668 of Portugal's independence. Unexpected political developments contributed to this result. England chose to ally with Portugal instead of Spain. Charles II's marriage in May 1662 to Catherine of Bragança, the daughter of John IV of Portugal, brought him the dowry of Tangier which fanned Spanish fears for the safety of the African fortresses and Andalusia. Charles also received special trading rights in Portugal and its empire. In return he assisted the Portuguese rebels with troop reinforcements and the might of his navy, the most powerful in existence. That aid proved decisive in the Portuguese victories over the Spanish in 1663 and 1665. Spain's naval forces had decayed and were no match for the English. Luis de Oyanguren, Philip IV's secretary of the navy, might in the spirit of the 1620s continue to urge his king to become lord of the sea and so protect all his possessions.87 But this advice was wholly unrealistic in the 1660s. Spain's hegemony in Europe had been shattered, and England was now lord of the sea.

 pp. 27-29

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97
   The king's authority in the peninsula was nowhere more contested than in the principality of Catalonia. From Madrid's point of view the timber problem there was how to secure locally all that the Monarchy needed to guarantee a long-term future for galley building at Barcelona's arsenal, the only peninsular site for such construction, without infringing the region's political liberties. Those liberties were enshrined in the principality's Constitucions, a jealously guarded set of statutes that every acceding Spanish monarch swore to observe. The Constitucions were much more developed than the Basque fueros and specified the mode of government for a region of far greater area than the Basque provinces, with double the population, and bordering a hostile France. It was the failure of some ministers in Madrid and viceroys in Barcelona to maintain due sensitivity to the Constitutions that caused the full-blown rebellion of 1640-52.

   Some sensitivity is apparent in the correspondence between monarchs and viceroys relating to the exploitation or conservation of Catalonia's forests. The accent was emphatically on local consent and voluntary execution of the king's policy. The aim of the Council of War and the royal officials of the galley works was to procure abundant timber supplies from as close as possible to Barcelona, thereby avoiding heavy expenditure on transport and swelling the costs of production. That was exactly how Antonio de Alzatte, Philip Il's superintendent of the atarazanas, saw the problem. He regretted that the timber now came from places far from Barcelona: from Arbucies and Santa Coloma de Farnes; in the past it had been supplied from the much closer forests around Granollers, Sabadell and Terrassa. The change was not due to deforestation but to the concession of privileges to monasteries and nobles, granting them full use of those forests. Alzatte accepted that 'the Constitutions have to be observed' but added that in theory the king should be able to cut timber wherever he wanted, though it was not done in practice.123

   The simplest solution was for the king to buy forests in Catalonia. There would then be no risk of infringing political liberties and the king would get his timber. This was one of the means adopted. When in 1592 monks from the Carthusian monastery of Montalegre offered to sell the king their pine forest adjoining the town of Santa Perpetua, just three leagues from Barcelona, Alzatte responded with eagerness. He at once sought the king's permission to send experts to inspect the forest; if the timber was as abundant and good as alleged, it should be bought to cut costs and avoid harassment of other vassals.124 Soon after this there was considerable excitement over the discovery of a forest in Rossello, hardly close to Barcelona, but reported to have an extraordinary abundance of pine and oak, both of which were needed to build galleys, and also beech for oars. Experts were sent to inspect and samples brought to Barcelona. The timber was tasted; its bitterness was supposed to signify perfection. Experienced captains of the squadrons of Spain and Naples agreed that the timber samples were of the highest quality.125 Philip II was delighted and in 1594 he purchased the forest for 400 ducats. But it proved disappointing. After exploiting its beeches for oars for a decade, the stock - an exaggerated estimate - ran out. The site was leased and then given to a royal inspector of the soldiery of Catalonia as part compensation for unpaid salary, on condition that he conserved the forest and that the king could take timber in the future at a just price. The subsequent failure of the owner to observe these conditions - he permitted depletion of the forest for charcoal-making - resulted in its confiscation by the crown and a repeated sale with the same conditions.126

   Later, in the 1620s, the then superintendent of the atarazanas, Bernardino de Marimon, could see no future for galley building in Catalonia unless the king took immediate action to negotiate the purchase of private pine forests. The viceroy had sent him to survey forests to the north of Barcelona. Reporting on existing mature stocks and what would be ready in up to forty years' time, he expressed shock at how little was available in the few forests belonging to the king: only enough to build fourteen galleys. He warned that unless there were immediate purchases of forests and conservation enforced, galley building at Barcelona would cease within twenty years. If the owners would not sell their land they might at least agree to sell their trees. But that had difficulties. As Marimon said, for a tree the king's galley establishment 'pays only two and a half reales, whereas private persons pay thirty to forty reales'. He thought the only way was to give owners of trees advance payment to conserve them until they were needed for galleys. More forceful measures to secure timber were ruled out because 'the Constitucions of this principality prevent them'.127

pp. 97-98

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   The superintendent of the atarazanas later tried unsuccessfully to secure the withdrawal of privileges from the familiars of the Inquisition in Catalonia. These were lay servants of the Inquisition whose privileges included exemption from the felling of trees on their estates and from the imposed lodging of woodcutters employed by Barcelona's arsenal. Marimón said these men were amongst 'the richest and most powerful' and it was not right that they should be excused from contributing to the production of galley squadrons dedicated to the defence of the faith. The petition went to the Junta de Galeras, then presided over by the Inquisitor-General who duly rejected it. And Philip IV agreed that 'custom is to be maintained , not permitting their trees to be cut down by others'.135

   With the failure of purchases of private land and trees to supply adequate timber for building galleys, the creation of plantations had to be reconsidered. Plantations had been formed in Catalonia in the 1570s and a superintendent appointed, but the effort had not been sustained.136 When in 1621 the Council of War asked for a report on plantations in the principality it was learned that over the previous thirteen years nothing nothing more than 1,500 poplars had been planted on the banks of a river a league from Barcelona. Poplars were a subsidiary material for galley building, used for the rails and some of the planking. The reason for this trifling result was said to be that 'the landowners could not be compelled to plant'.137 Pedro de Montagut, appointed superintendent of forests and plantations in 1606, had been instructed 'to persuade the landowners to plant, without harassing them because this is voluntary'. As in Castile he was required to inspect forestsand plantations every year.

   In the 1620s and 30s the pressure on Catalans to plant trees was increased as the king's officials at the atarazanas reported increasing difficulties in securing timber. The pine forest in the sierra of Montseny, for years the source of supply of masts for galleys, was declared exhausted.139 And soon after the outbreak of war with France, large quantities of timber began to be taken by the army, from the very forests used by the galley establishment, to build bridges and make gun carriages. Marimon called for prior consultation to allow him to reserve the trees that were most useful for building galleys.140 But it was the unauthorized felling of trees in the few forests belonging to the king that led to the introduction of tougher regulations for conservation in Catalonia. An inspection of the king's forests around the port of Tortosa brought the shocking discovery that timber resources, essential for supplying scarce curved pieces for the hulls of galleys and large beams for their launching, had been severely depleted.141 Some of the timber was being exported to Seville, Valencia and even, it was discovered, to the enemy pirate base of Algiers. Much of the timber taken was destroyed to extract and export pitch and tar, essential naval stores for preserving rigging and for caulking the seams of wooden ships. Pines contained the resin from which the tar was was produced as a residue of a process of destructive distillation of the timber. The report criticized the superintendent of forests for not reporting the damage. Much of the blame was attributed to the Batlle General, the official responsible for judicial and economic affairs relating to the king's patrimony in Catalonia. He had issued numerous licences to cut timber, collecting duty for the crown but oblivious to the consequences for conservation. The bishop-viceroy called for a series of stringent measures to prevent a recurrence of this 'devastation'. He recommended, and the Junta de Galeras supported,142 several measures: prohibition of the unauthorized manufacture and export of pitch and tar in Catalonia; prohibition of the export of curvas; prosecution of those who had depleted Tortosa's forests; and the introduction of restrictions on the Batlle General's freedom to issue licences for timber extraction. The viceroy's communication presented these proposals as 'preventative remedies for the conservation of the timber remains... And it could well be that, perceiving this diligence, the provincials will be encouraged to plant trees... since without any other effort they could profit from what would otherwise remain useless and barren regions.'

  There is no record of the immediate implementation of these proposals. But ten years later they were proclaimed by another viceroy throughout Catalonia and the counties of Rossello and Cerdanya. Severe penalties were prescribed for contravention: five years' exile for unauthorized cutting of timber in Tortosa and other named forests; three years on the galleys for sawing timber there; thirty days' imprisonment and fines for removing signs put on trees by the officials of the king's galley-works, or for cutting those trees alleging that they were growing on their own estates; five years' exile for operating a furnace to make pitch or tar in the region of Tortosa. All licences for exporting timber, pitch and tar were annulled and future permits made subject to the viceroy's authorization. Veguers, the royal officials in Catalonia's seventeen administrative districts, were now ordered to send annual reports of plantings to the superintendent of the seventeen administrative districts, were now ordered to send annual reports of plantings to the superintendent of the galley-works at Barcelona.143

   How could such a forceful display of royal power be risked in Catalonia? In part because the viceroy, the count of Santa Coloma, had a history of currying favour with Madrid to win favour and prestige for his family. But some of these stringent conservation measures were compatible with the principality's Constitucions. It would have been more prudent for the count to have made that explicit. Although, since the thirteenth century, the Constitucions guaranteed freedom of trade, this was qualified by a statute prohibiting the export of timber, pitch and tar. And a subsequent statute, enacted by Catalonia's Corts in 1547, expressed this prohibition in terms of conserving timber for galley building in Barcelona. The importance of executing Santa Coloma's proclamations, and all other concern over Catalonia's forests, soon evaporated with the events of 1640: his assassination and the outbreak of rebellion.

 

(Map 6. The timber crisis in Catalonia.  p. 103)

pp. 101-104

...ooo000ooo...

p. 132
   How different things might have been with sufficient craftsmen and funds is apparent from the size of some of the Monarchy's shipyards. Zorroza in the 1590s had a workforce of 400. A visitor in the 1620s observed that it had the capacity to build twenty ships simultaneously.111 Lezo had by the 1630s grown into a permanent walled installation with capacious warehouses and 'many facilities for construction', but it was destroyed in the French invasion of 1638,112 and never re-established. Of the royal galley arsenals - there were three: Barcelona, Naples and Messina - the greatest capacity was at Naples. In 1609 it was said to permit simultaneous construction of six galleys and four larger oared vessels, galleasses. Its teeming labour force once consisted of 300 caulkers and carpenters, and 300 boy apprentices. But for two years that arsenal had been closed because the king had failed to pay wages; the men had left to become fishermen, 'the boys have become rogues'.113 Barcelona's late-medieval atarazanas was a walled enclosure with arcades and bays. In 1609 the Viceroy of Catalonia reported that there were eight capacious bays, in each of which one galley could be built every year, but that actual annual production could never exceed six galleys because of the shortage of craftsmen.114

   The record of output at Barcelona is one of sharp decline. In the period April 1587 - December 1588 fourteen galleys were built and launched.115 The same number were built in October 1607 - September 1617, an enormous drop in annual production, attributed by the superintendent to starvation of funds.116

   By the early 1620s ministers in Madrid accepted that the norm could not exceed two galleys a year; soon Marimon was telling them that only one was possible.117 Just how poor this output really was can be judged by comparisons with arsenals...

 .. So it was decided in Madrid not only to do this at the king's expense but to place the arms of Castile over the entrance, an act that fired the Diputats, deputies entrusted with the defence of Catalan liberties, to stir up 'great disputes'.119

   Four years later they were threatening to disrupt production at the arsenal, because Philip IV had still not attended the Corts...

p. 133

...ooo000ooo...

194
   Recruiting in Spain was distinguished by the constraints of varying political conditions within the peninsula, conditions far more diverse than what existed in England, France or the United Provinces. Catalonia's Constitucions prohibited compulsory naval or military service beyond its borders. The king of Spain could only have volunteers. Philip II's last viceroy was optimistic that many Catalans would come forward: 'They are naturally inclined to the sea, and histories tell how great armadas sailed from Catalonia to achieve great victories for the kings of Aragon.'77 But this forecast proved inaccurate over the next two reigns. In the 1620s the contract with the Judices to form a squadron of the fleet on the coast of Catalonia was specifically intended to relieve the heavy burden of levies on the north coast. But it soon became clear there would be no rush of Catalans to man the squadron.78

p. 194


+++


...  Catalonia's Constitucions prohibited..
See also:

• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English_expedition_to_Portugal_(1662%E2%80%931668)

• SOBERÓN, M., Pujol, M., LLERGO, Y., RIERA, S., JULIÁ, R. and DOMÍNGUEZ-DELMÁS, M. (2012) –“El Barceloneta I. Una embarcación medieval a tingladillo en Barcelona”, Itsas Memoria. Revista de Estudios Marítimos del País Vasco, 7, Untzi Museoa-Museo Naval, Donostia-San Sebastián, pp. 411-422. https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Santiago_Riera/publication/258358719_El_Barceloneta_I_Una_embarcacion_medieval_a_tingladillo_en_Barcelona/links/00b7d5280ded1f11d3000000/El-Barceloneta-I-Una-embarcacion-medieval-a-tingladillo-en-Barcelona.pdf

• Keeping Spain Afloat: State Forestry and Imperial Defense in the ... https://academic.oup.com/envhis/article/17/1/116/423962, by JT Wing - ‎2012.

Dietaris de la Generalitat de Catalunya: Anys 1674 a 1689

https://books.google.es/books?isbn=8439362404

Dietaris de la Generalitat de Catalunya: Anys 1644 a 1656

https://books.google.es/books?isbn=8439350589

NAZIS IN SPAIN
https://archive.org/stream/THEFACTUALLISTOFNAZISPROTECTEDBYSPAIN/THE+FACTUAL+LIST+OF+NAZIS+PROTECTED+BY+SPAIN_djvu.txt

Justa Causa 1713

On July 6 the Catalan authorities (Diputació General del Principat de Catalunya) issued a call for all cities and towns in Catalonia to resist the Borbon king Philip V (of castile, IV of Aragon) in his attempts to annex a territory that had remained loyal to the Habsburg Archduke Charles despite feeling betrayed by the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht and subsequent treaties between France and the Allies.

This is the reply of the city council of Barcelona, a few days later, heeding the call.
Click here if need be, to view the rest of the post.

HAVENT los Braços Generals lo dia 6. del corrent mes aconsellàt à est Consistori, resolguès defensar lo Principat, no sols per mantenirse baix lo suau Domini del Emperador, y Rey nostre Senyor ( que Deu guarde ) en consequencia de la justa Causa, regoneguda per sa Santedat, y tota Europa, y explicada, eo Jurada en la Constituciò primera de las Corts en lo any 1706. en Barcelona vltimament celebrada; sino tambe per la conservació de las Llibertats, Privilegis y Prerrogativas dels Cathalans, que nostres Antecessors à costa de sa sang glotiosament alcansaren, y nosaltres devèm axi mateix mantenir, de las quals no se ha hagut rahò, ni en Vtrech, ni en lo Hospitalet, reservantse sols en una, y altre part à la Pau General (en que se deu poch confiar, y à que està molt distant lo Rey nostre Senyor de convenir) y finalment per altres inconvenients notoris à tot lo Mon, que de entregar-se Catalunya se seguirian; prometentnos, per nostra bona intenciò, ab la intercessiò dels Sants Patrons, la protecciò Divina, lo dia 9. del corrent manarem fer la Crida publica per nostra defensa. Y havent tingut noticia, que lo Enemich và esbargint Cartas, demanant las obediencias als Pobles (à que no se deu atendrer e conformitat de que sobre se ha dit) perçò exortàm, dièm, y encarregàm als Iurats, Consellers, Pahers, ò Consols, y à tothom generalment, se mantinguin, en quant puguen, baix la Obediencia de nostre Rey, y Senyor. Prometèm per eix efecte tota assistencia, per la quak incessantment se invigila. Queda est Consistori assegurát de la Constancia, è innata Fidclitat de tots los Naturals, que atendràn à tot lo sobredit, que importa à la publica Vtilitat, y benefici de la Patria. Deu guart à V. molts anys, Barcelona,· y Iuliol als xij de M.DCCXIII. 

                 Dr. IOSEPH VILAR.

LLOCH DEL SELLO

Los Deputats del General del Principat de Catalunya en Barcelona residints.

En Regestro. Communi secundo fol. ccxiv.

The Spirit of Catalonia - Josep Trueta

Information about professor Josep TRUETA (1897-1977) issued in 2005. The advertised website is no longer accessible, but the PDF version of the book is.
Click here if need be, to view the rest of the post.

CEO Baròmetre 2019

Si compares resultats de mostres que no són equivalents, arribaràs a conclusions falses.
Per exemple, els primers dos Baròmetres de 2019 del Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió revelen una diferència substancial en la variable més sensible a les opinions polítiques: l'origen dels pares. No sé quina de...
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Reprovació Rei (Resolució 92/XII del Parlament de Catalunya)

Resolució 92/XII del Parlament de Catalunya, sobre la priorització de l’agenda social
i la recuperació de la convivència

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Spanish Prosecutors + "Spain has no political prisoners"

Lawyer Jaume Alonso-Cuevillas contrasts sarcastically the repeated claim that the Catalan social and political leaders still being kept in detention are not political prisoners, with the July 3 public prosecutors' arguments to deny them release on bail.
Click here if need be, to view the rest of the post.

Alcalà Galiano cita Hobsbawm 150 anys abans!

Corre un meme per les xarxes que recull, suposadament, unes declaracions d'Antonio Alcalá Galiano. Com veurem, una frase és manllevada directament de Hobsbawm!
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Howard Zinn - Civil Obedience (1970)

La desobediència civil, segons Howard Zinn (1970).
Clica aquí si cal, per llegir el text sencer i veure el vídeo

CERES-multilingualism

Here is an example of multilingual options of pages on a Spanish government website. In the top right-hand corner you can click on the following options: Spanish - Catalan/Valencian - Galician - Basque - English. You are invited to tell which is which (hint: look at the URL!). Home: http://www.cert.fnmt.es/home
Click here if need be, to view the five versions.

Banca Privada d’Andorra 2015-2016

La Banca Privada d'Andorra va ser objecte de nacionalització per pressió dels EE.UU el 2015. Segons declaracions de l'excomissari Villarejo, l'Estat espanyol després d'intentar sense èxit fer xantatge amb el directiu Higini Cierco per aconseguir que falsifiqués comptes bancaris de dirigents catalanistes, va ...
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The Trial: Reasonable Doubt

My personal thoughts about the coming verdict, having watched virtually all the Supreme Court trial and read all the international observers' remarks and reports. For Twitter, #ReasonableDoubt.
Click here if need be, for the whole post)

Cuba and the Spanish slave trade

Extracts from Hansard (UK Parliament Records) on the non-compliance by Spain of the treaties banning slavery, from 1817. At the end, info on two BBC TV documentaries.
Click here if need be, for the whole post.

Crides-Republica

MANIFEST

NO HI HA DIÀLEG, NO HI HA EXCUSA, NO HI HA INVESTIDURA 
(copiat del compte de Telegram)

Click here if need be, for the whole post

Letter by CoE HC for Human Rights Mijatovic, to presidents of Spanish Congress and Senate

Letter sent on November 20 2018 by CoE High Commissioner for Human Rights Ms. Dunja Mijatovic, to presidents of Spanish Congress and Senate, expressing concern about the reported negative impact the 2015 Law on Citizens' Safety has had on the enjoyment of human rights, in particular the rights...
Click here if need be to access the whole text

VIDEOS: "A Por Ellos". Spanish police being sent to Catalonia, 9/2017

Videos showing Spanish riot police and armed police being deployed to Catalonia from all over Spain in late September 2017 in a futile attenpt to prevent people from voting in a self-determination referendum. Note the Spanish flags, and the patriotic, even hostile, chants. You might be misled into believing...
Click here if need be to access the whole text.
...  they were being sent on an international mission to fight off a foreign enemy.

“A por ellos, oé”: apoyo a la Policía de camino a Cataluña"

Videos: 1. "A por ellos, oé": así despiden por toda España a la Policía enviada a Cataluña
https://www.elconfidencial.com/espana/cataluna/2017-09-25/referendum-cataluna-video-guardias-civiles_1449434/

Videos: 2. «A por ellos, oé»: Policías y guardias civiles parten hacia Cataluña entre vítores, aplausos y banderas españolas.
http://www.alertadigital.com/2017/09/25/a-por-ellos-oe-policias-y-guardias-civiles-parten-hacia-cataluna-entre-vitores-aplausos-y-banderas-espanolas/


Miembros de la Guardia Civil, vitoreados en su salida hacia Catalunya
http://www.resumenlatinoamericano.org/2017/09/25/catalunya-aquelarre-fascista-a-manos-de-la-guardia-civil-espanola-para-evitar-el-referendum-independentista/

A por ellos: Playlist (14 vídeos)

https://m.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLzTPHt3I1ZGXZvRcaIVkR-dCy6UrUTKIr

...ooo000ooo...

Resum / Overview (1' 54") 27 Setember 2017. 

"A por Ellos"

Guardias Civiles y Policías Nacionales cantando "a por ellos" y el himno con letra franquista:
(coachload of Spanish policemen, uploaded on cctober 7 2017).

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xJr2Yb2siI8

 

SEVILLA

Apoyo a la GUARDIA CIVIL en los exteriores de la Comandancia de Sevilla... GRACIAS SEVILLA

CÓRDOBA

Miembros de la Unidad de Prevención y Reacción (UPR) de la Comisaría Provincial de Policía Nacional de Córdoba marchan así a Barcelona. pic.twitter.com/lurwYxyO12

— El Confidencial (@elconfidencial) 25 de setembre de 2017

HUELVA 1

Cánticos de “A por ellos, oé”.

ONUBENSES CON LA @guardiacivil.
Despedida organizada en Huelva a nuestros agentes.@Huelva_Vox @jusapol @forogc pic.twitter.com/K2AfMlNhAb

— Vox Huelva (@Huelva_Vox) 25 de setembre de 2017

HUELVA 2

Huelva. Comisaría de la Policia Nacional. Los compañeros parten hacia Cataluña para hacer que se cumpla la Constitución Española. pic.twitter.com/3toqIFTSbH

— Antonio J Castilla (@ajcastillam) 25 de setembre de 2017

ALMERIA
“España no se rinde” and “Cataluña es España” ("Spain doesn't surrender" and "Catalonia is Spain")

Y continuamos con #Almeria gracias a su gente por el apoyo a @guardiacivil y @policia demostrado Viva #España 🇪🇸🇪🇸🇪🇸🇪🇸🇪🇸🇪🇸🇪🇸🇪🇸🇪🇸🇪🇸🇪🇸 pic.twitter.com/9o6CQlpefl

— Unión de Oficiales (@UnionOficiales) 24 de setembre de 2017

 

Castellón

Guardia Civil de Castellon hacia Cataluña: (Castelló Civil Guards bound for Catalonia)

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=ld2J3drpHxE

Cadiz 1
La Policía Nacional de Cádiz sale con honores hacia Cataluña: (The National Police leave Cadiz with honours, bound for Catalonia)

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=lQRXUzs1-3A

Cadiz 2

Salida de la Guardia Civil de Cádiz hacia Cataluña (The National Police leave Cadiz with honours, bound for Catalonia)

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=fuibdlO4ac4

Cadiz 3
Policía Nacional de Cádiz parte hacia Cataluña (The Cadiz National Police leave, bound for Catalonia):

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=MKmYwVklHmc

Cadiz 4

Efectivos de la Guardia Civil de Cádiz parten hacia Cataluña (Civil guards leave Cadiz bound for Catalonia):

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=hwWTA4OxFJA

Cadiz 5: 
Efectivos de la Guardia Civil de Cádiz parten hacia Cataluña (Civil guards leave Cadiz bound for Catalonia; "Viva España, Viva la Gardia Civil, 'Votarem'!)):

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=d3LCFb12yvc

Jerez: 
Policías nacionales de Jerez parten hacia Cataluña (Jerez National police leave Jerez bound for Catalonia)

  https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=V7kiHtk7ayk

 

Guadalajara 1:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=ez6BniPl9Ds

Guadalajara 2:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=uSmx0cXS5gY

 
Cordoba:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=rS13aYXf2xQ

Salamanca 1:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=Ji1gTgNMHFs

Salamanca 2:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=aZXGuPgnrC8

Salamanca 3:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=UnWDyMFkM38

 

No estáis solos!!! Más refuerzos de la GUARDIA CIVIL hacia Cataluña en convoy nocturno: "No estais solos!" (You're not alone!)

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=wdcpJFtEvwA

Marcha de La Guardia Civil hacia Cataluña antes del 1-O  

Departing vehicles (place not identified):

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=IyvAFCLgIz0

Algeciras 1:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=Qdblx19TBII

Algeciras 2:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=m6CFlCMTHNs

Algeciras 3

Salida de la Guardia Civil de Algeciras esta madrugada hacia Cataluña (Spanish national anthem):

 

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=OYmJjL-PwZc

Cordoba 1
Despedida a policías de la UPR de Córdoba enviados a Cataluña (Send-off for National Police being sent to Catalonia):

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=YZ8ayB3SfP4

Cordoba 2:
Salida policias a Cataluña (Departure National police for Catalonia; coach):

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=ecHyUWgDeJI

CADIZ

Apoyo a guardias civiles en su partida desde Cádiz hacia Barcelona (Viva España, Via la Guardia Civil):

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=WuJduTaJCzg

Cantabria:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=GkbI9WXsbqc

SEVILLA:

Salida de la policía nacional y la guardia civil camino de Cataluña (Diario de Sevilla)

1/3:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=5kIlKAq5FMk

SEVILLA 2/3 
Chants of "No estais solos" (You're not alone!)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MaYIZDEjuQc

SEVILLA
3/3 "Yo soy español, español, español":

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HV8q7xr5DhQ

JÉREZ DE LA FRONTERA
Salida Guardia Civil hacia Cataluña - pongamos cordura ("Let's get them to be sensible")(includes chants of "A Por Ellos"):

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=imB7exhuCGs

On their way to Catalonia (September 25 2017)

CONVOY GUARDIA CIVIL camino CATALUÑA. No podemos estar MÁS ORGULLOSOS de vosotros ("We can't be MORE PROUD of you"):

22222222222222222222222222222222222222222222222222222222222222222222222 IS THE NEX T ONE OK???

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=-fQJHgB1XMI  

ALICANTE

Nuestra Policia Nacional parte destino CATALUÑA:
 

https://youtu.be/EIWJi1VAXfU

Los camiones policiales van hacia Cataluña | España (Police vehicles on their way to Catalonia | Spain) 25 September 2017

 

https://youtu.be/jKRFUryBMhI

Castellón de la Plana 1

Aplausos Guardia Civil salida hacia Cataluña (Applause for the civil guard as they leave for Catalonia):

 

https://www.youtube.com/embed/5qysYc0dcH4

Castellón de la Plana 2
Salida de la Guardia Civil de Castellón hacia Cataluña: (Departure of Castellon civil guards bound for Catalonia):

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=vzk2kA3eL_Y

Despedida a policías de la UPR de Córdoba enviados a Cataluña (Send-off for National Police sent to Catalonia)

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=H2WSKJgimnQ

Málaga 1
Emocionante despedida de contingente de la 👮 Policía Nacional camino Cataluña   
 

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=zx0tnEouJX4

Málaga 2 

Salida desde Málaga de la Policia Nacional (UIP) hacia Cataluña.

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=qx43LLMe71w

Málaga 3

Apoyo a la policia nacional en Málaga, hacia Cataluña 26/09/2017

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=64ywZexuums

HUELVA 1:
POLICÍA NACIONAL parte hacia Cataluña para hacer que se cumpla la Constitución ESPAÑOLA (coach)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Cb4mtBodCIA

HUELVA 2: "A por Ellos oe"

    

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=ZMydVysgcb4

Huelva 3
Entre APLAUSOS. GUARDIA CIVIL de Huelva sale hacia CATALUÑA (In the midst of applause, Civil guards leave Huelva for Catalonia)

HUELVA 4
Salida de CONVOY de la GUARDIA CIVIL desde HUELVA con destino CATALUÑA:

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=ZRCJEwaGH3Y

Entre aplausos (bis?!)

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=tYKoH2CruWA

Despedida a la Guardia Civil al partir hacia Cataluña: (Send-off for Civil guard on their departure bound for Catalonia)

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=hyu8lt13JSM

...ooo000ooo...

Clashes on October 1 2017:
"Tensión: Guardia Civil Española entra en acción para impedir el referéndum ILEGAL de Cataluña"

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=SB8vlOvrMYM

Reflexión (Antoni Bassas), 2 October 2017

"Fue un 'a por ellos'"

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VYx8IOjwK6o

Later videos

"Reconocimiento de la Agrupación de Tráfico de la Guardia Civil a los agentes desplazados en Cataluña", Sevilla. February 2018.

https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=z0xJyK3ugqk
POLICÍA NACIONAL en CATALUÑA recibe REFUERZOS con gritos de VIVA ESPAÑA:
Police reinforcements are welcomed by colleagues when they arrive in a hotel in Pineda de Mar (to chants of "España! España!") which had been harrassed by locals as a reaction to the police actions against the referendum on October 1 2017).

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zpHpqI3Xcuw

See also thread starting here: https://twitter.com/CAT_memoria/status/1032716268229599232?s=19

HCSS

I have a question for @michelrademaker @HanTenBroeke and @robdewijk of  The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies,

https://hcss.nl/
Click here if need be to access the whole text.